Institute for Education Policy Studies In
Graduate School of Education and Human Development

Japanese Education Reforms
of the 1990s

Gregg B. Jackson
Washington, DC

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

GREGG B. JACKSON is a Senior Analyst with the Office of Technology Assessment, Congress of the United States. He has been a consultant to the World Bank, a study director at the National Academy of Sciences, the director of research at the International City Management Association, a senior scientist at The George Washington University, and a social scientist at the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. He has conducted studies of the federal role in education research, postsecondary job training, school and teacher effectiveness, and minority students' educational opportunities. He can be reached at: Office of Technology Assessment, Education and Human Resources, Congress of the United States, Washington, DC 20510-8025; Telephone: (202) 228-6349; Fax: (202) 228-6293; Internet: gjackson@ota.gov.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author gratefully acknowledges the considerable help of Kazuo Ishizaka in thinking about these reform efforts, arranging meetings with Monbusho officials, and acquiring publications. Andrea Alexander provided a helpful orientation and assisted with the logistics of travel through Japan. Many Japanese officials generously shared their thoughts, provided printed materials, and extended hospitality. Yoshiro Kanematsu, Hiroshi Kano, Robert Leestma, Kazue Namba, and Lois Peak provided detailed and valuable comments on the first draft of this monograph. Several additional reviewers also provided insightful and helpful suggestions.

CENTER for POLICY STUDIES
Graduate School of Education and Human Development

Japanese Education Reforms
of the 1990s

Gregg. B. Jackson
Office of Technology Assessment **
Congress of the United States

** This monograph was prepared before the author joined the Office of Technology Assessment.
The ideas expressed herein do not necessarily represent those of the Office.

The Japanese are involved in ambitious efforts to reform their education system. The objectives are to individualize instruction, enhance thinking skills and creativity, reduce the stress associated with university admission, expand lifelong learning, and internationalize the citizenry. A confluence of factors has precipitated the reform initiatives. Several hurdles will hinder achievement of the objectives, but other forces are pushing the reforms onward, and at least partial success is likely.

Although many observers in the West are in awe of Japan's education system, the Japanese have long been dissatisfied and are initiating major reforms. Their objectives are to individualize instruction and foster the individuality of students, enhance students' thinking skills and creativity, reduce the stress associated with competition for university admission, expand lifelong learning, and promote internationalization of the citizenry.

Japanese officials consider these changes to be the third major reform of their educational system. The first was during the Meiji Restoration, beginning in 1868, when the nation abandoned feudalism, reinstated the Emperor, formed a central government, eliminated the dual system of private schools serving samurai and commoners, and created a national system of universal public education for all children through grade 4 (later extended to grade 6). The system was mostly influenced by European models of that period, with the national government determining the curriculum and employing the teachers.

The second reform came soon after World War 11 when the nation was demilitarized, a new constitution was adopted, and many social institutions were restructured to be more democratic. Much of this was under the direction of the Allied Occupation authorities, and changes in the educational system were heavily influenced by American practices. A 6-3-3 grade level system was established, schools were placed under locally elected boards, and education was made compulsory through the ninth grade. The higher education system was also expanded (Leestma, August, George, & Peak, 1997; Tokutake, 1988). The intent was to make the system more locally controlled and to minimize the chance that the schools would again be used to militarize the nation.

Why are the Japanese currently engaged in this third reform effort? How are they going about it? And with what chances of success?

The following analysis of this effort is primarily based on the writer's one-month visit to Japan in late 1992. During the visit he met with officials from the national Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture (Monbusho), six prefectural boards of education (roughly the equivalent of our state departments of education), four education centers which conduct research and conduct in-service training for school staff, and seven lower and upper secondary schools (grades 7-9 and 10-12, respectively). The visited prefectures stretch 500 miles over the main island of Honshu.

Discussions were held with more than four dozen administrators and teachers, sometimes individually and sometimes in small groups. The officials spoke at length and with apparent candor. Because of their public positions, some of the comments could cause embarrassment, and for that reason their statements are quoted without attribution.

Documents from Monbusho, several prefectural boards of education, and the visited schools were also examined. In addition, the Western literature on Japanese culture and education was selectively reviewed.

Motivations for the Reforms

A confluence of factors appears to have precipitated the current Japanese reform effort. These include Japan's preparations for the 21st century, problems in the current education system, Western criticisms, a shift in power between Progressives and traditionalists, and the prerequisites of a world community.

Preparations for the 21st Century

Despite proudly preserving centuries-old traditions, the Japanese also believe in the inevitability of change and have confidence in their ability to influence the future. That confidence is well earned.

For the past 125 years, nationally guided change has been the norm in Japan. Over the course of just three generations, between the Meiji Restoration of 1868 and the 1920s, Japan transformed itself from a patchwork of feudal fiefdoms into an industrialized nation-state. World War 11 destroyed its heavy industry, crippled its transportation systems, and left millions homeless, but just two generations later, the country had built the most robust economy in the world, achieving a GNP that now considerably exceeds the total of Germany and France combined.

By the 1980s the Japanese felt reasonably assured of economic success for the rest of the century and began planning for the next one. Publications of the national and prefectural governments frequently used phrases such as: 'With the advent of the 21st century at hand,' 'appropriate facilities for education in a new age,' and 'to develop people who can take charge in the 21st century' (Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture [MESC], 1989b, p. i; Council of Local Authorities for International Relations, 1991, pp. 71, 147).

Whereas the past century of change has been a reaction to events outside Japan, planning for the 21st century was proactive. As one official stated, 'For 120 years Japan has worked to catch up with Western technology. That has been done, and now we have to set new goals.'

One Westerner, after living and working in Japan for several years, ended his book of praise and criticism for the country with the following observation:

Japan is the most truly modern of countries because she has learned to live with the disorientation of the modern world, indeed to respond to it profitably, without losing her sense of structure. It is a talent which allows the Japanese to look ahead to the next set of transformations with an inevitable confidence (Tasker, 1987, p. 301).

Problems in the Education System

Several problems that have arisen in the Japanese education system over the past few decades are an impetus for the reforms. These include student apathy, bullying and school violence, juvenile delinquency, 'school refusal' (non-attendance), parents' abrogation of responsibilities, and dysfunctional stress over university admissions.

Many Japanese educators think that students, on the average, do not 'gambaru' (sustain effort) as much as their predecessors. This is thought to be partly because of the effects of modernization and wealth, and partly because of the dramatic increase in the percentage of students continuing into upper secondary school--up from 43 percent in 1950 to 94 percent in 1989 (MESC, 1990, p. 18).

The Western image of a full class of intent faces following the teacher's every word is a myth. Japanese educators frequently note that many students do not take their schooling seriously. This writer's informal and brief observations in seven public high schools suggest that some of the students pay close attention throughout their classes, many occasionally lapse into periods of inattention, and a few are chronically unengaged--though rarely disruptive.

Students in the top-ranked academic high schools still study hard, and some officials think they study harder than those who preceded them 10 or 20 years ago. Many students in the other schools, however, are widely perceived to be less than diligent.

Another concern is the incidents of 'ijime' (bullying) that are occurring in the schools. One or more incidents were reported by 18 percent of the elementary schools, 29 percent of the lower secondary schools, and 23 percent of the upper secondary schools in 1987 (MESC, 1989b, p. 30). In 1982, incidents of within-school violence were reported by 13 percent of lower secondary schools and 11 percent of upper secondary schools, but by 1987 the percentages had dropped to 9 percent and 7 percent, respectively (MESC, 1989b, p. 31). The juvenile delinquency peaked in the early 1980s and had declined some by 1988. In the latter year the rate was only 1.6 percent for youths ages 10-19 (MESC, 1989b, p. 30).

The frequency of these behavioral problems is generally low by U.S. standards. For instance, in 1988 the juvenile delinquency rate for 14-17 year old American youth was 11.7 percent (NCES, 1991a, p. 128). Nevertheless, the problems are considered serious in a country where honesty, harmony, and etiquette are still prevalent. Japan is a country where schools are 'a kind of holy ground,' where student 'lockers' at the school entrance have no doors, and where, except in the largest cities, one can leave luggage unattended in a train station with little risk of theft. Thus, despite the modest declines in the cited behavior problems over the last few years, 'both education and police authorities share the view that incidents of such problem behavior continue at a high rate, and no optimism is justified' (Tokutake, 1988, p. 49).

Another problem confronting the Japanese is 'school refusal'--an absence from compulsory levels of school (grades 1-9) because the student does not want to attend. It is reported formally when the student is absent 50 or more days. In 1988, 0.6 percent of lower secondary students were school refusers. That is double the rate of a decade earlier, and school refusal is widely considered to be a serious problem. It is thought to result primarily from emotional or family difficulties, rather than academic or social ones. Educators do not consider it a discipline matter, but rather one that calls for counseling. They 'feel concern for the students who are so disturbed that they do not want to come to school.'

Still another problem is that many parents have placed most of the responsibility for childrearing on the schools. These parents love, cherish, and nurture their children, but they expect the schools to provide most of the personal guidance and discipline. Educators commonly complain that, 'Parents expect the schools to do everything.' It is not uncommon for mothers to call a student's homeroom teacher and tell him or her to discipline the child in respect to matters unrelated to school. If a youth should be caught in a serious impropriety, such as shoplifting, the homeroom teacher is expected to visit the shopkeeper, talk with the police, and attend the hearings.

School officials think many parents have abrogated their responsibilities and that good student development requires cooperative efforts by both parents and teachers. Some teachers also believe they have less leisure time than the parents because of this transfer of responsibilities. As a result, 'There is a growing call for restoring the educational functions of the home and community' (MESC, 1989a, p. 108).

A fourth problem in the educational system is caused by the high status of a prestigious university education and the nature of the university admissions process, which together put tremendous stress on the youth who aspire to enter these institutions. The national government and the large corporations recruit professionals primarily from the prestigious universities. Since they are the most sought after employers, ambitious students compete fiercely for admission to these institutions. The university admissions process is based primarily on entrance examination scores and each university has its own examinations. The resulting level of stress is widely considered excessive and dysfunctional.

Aspiring students in lower secondary schools are already drawn into the competition because entrance to all upper secondary schools, both private and public, is by examination. Though all who wish to continue their education are admitted to some upper secondary school, only those with the highest scores gain entrance to the schools with the best records of university admission. Once in those schools, the competition intensifies, and the instruction is usually heavily focused on preparing students for the university entrance examinations.

A 1985 survey found that 45 percent of all lower secondary school students attend 'juku' (supplemental schools) in the late afternoon or early evening and sometimes on Saturday (MESC, 1989b, p. 28). Data are not reported for upper secondary students, but the rate is probably higher. In addition, many failed university aspirants enroll in 'yobiko' (full-time cram schools) for the year following high school graduation in renewed attempts to gain university admission. In 1985, 48 percent of all students enrolled in universities and four-year colleges and 57 percent of those enrolled at the most prestigious public universities had attended yobiko (Tsukada, 1988, p. 286).

As a consequence, Japanese education officials believe there is 'excessive dependence on formal education and ... undue emphasis on the educational backgrounds of individuals' (MESC, 1989a, 108). Many parents of college aspirants would agree with the Japanese writer who noted, 'students at the secondary level can scarcely ever live the kind of life that an adolescent should be able to enjoy' (Tokutake, 1988, p. 47). Other parents are unconcerned by the amount of effort required of teenagers, but think that it could be put to better use than memorizing vast amounts of information for the examinations.

Western Criticisms

Another motive for the current education reforms is Westerners' criticism of Japanese schools. Ever since European explorers reached Japan's shore, the West has been both intrigued by, and critical of, the country. In response to the criticism, the Japanese have often taken steps to reduce the source of Westerners' displeasure.

This happened during the early years of Western contact when visitors criticized open prostitution and Japan responded with new laws (Benedict, 1945). It also happened in the 1950s when the Japanese retained many of the changes made during the Allied Occupation--even after regaining sovereignty.

The current Western criticisms of Japan's schools allege that they do not develop the creativity needed to make ground-breaking advances in the sciences, humanities, and arts. The critics note that Japan has an enviable record in technological refinement and manufacturing innovation, but has not achieved comparable success in basic research, receiving only five Nobel Prizes in the natural sciences, compared with 159 for Americans and 213 for Europeans (Asahi Shimbum, 1992, p. 228). They charge that this is because of rigidity in the management of the Japanese schools, uniformity of the curriculum, emphasis on rote learning, and a failure to respond to the realities of a diversified student population (MESC, 1989b).

These views are shared by some Japanese, as illustrated by the comments of Jun-ichi Nishizawa, a noted engineer and inventor:

In Japan, many researchers lack the habit of independent thinking ...They tend to be distracted by what the next fellow is doing, and swerve into that direction. Whenever a unique individual turns up, we tend to get together to pull him down and let him have it. The temperament that causes this tendency is often negative, since useful research in science and technology is done essentially by someone who is unique enough to turn his back to everyone (1990, p. 16 & 18).

A few Westerners and Japanese challenge the veracity of these criticisms. They reply that careful studies of Japanese schools find that they are not focused exclusively on rote memorization. They indicate that teachers work hard on students' personal and social development and strive to foster understanding of the course material--especially in the elementary schools but also at the higher levels (Cummings, 1980; Finkelstein, lmamura, and Tobin, 1991; Stevenson and Stigler, 1992; White, 1987). They refer to Japan's rich history of accomplishments in the arts and crafts. They note that over the past few years Japanese have been awarded more U.S. patents for inventions than all the citizens of Europe (National Science Board, 1991, p. 430). They also suggest that Japan's few Nobel Prizes may be less a reflection of Japanese creativity than of the limited funds devoted to basic research before the 1980s.

When confronted with these arguments, several Japanese officials rebutted them with responses such as:

Well, some Japanese people are creative, but not many. Japanese have advanced technology and manufacturing processes, but that is improvement creativity, not contributing fundamental discoveries that will change the course of world history.

Shifts in Power

A gradual ascendance of progressives in a long battle waged with traditionalists has helped to precipitate the reforms. The traditionalists believe Japanese people are unique and should remain so. They support the old Buddhist and Confucian instructional approaches that required strict discipline and extensive memorization of classic texts. They also want direct instruction in 'moral education' (traditional values and ethics).

Progressives have gradually became more numerous and influential. Many share the view that the Japanese are unique, but they believe the country must keep up with the changing world. Their ideas about education have been influenced by John Dewey and other Western progressive educators (White, 1987). They want students to pursue individual interests, develop unique talents, blossom creatively, and experience joy in learning. They think the most effective education is tailored to the individual 'character' of each student. They are opposed to courses in moral education because such courses were used to militarize Japan in the 1930s and could be used for such purposes again. They agree that development of a child's values, attitudes, and habits is an important function of the schools, but advocate that character should be fostered in all courses and school activities. Progressives think their approach will reduce the student behavior problems discussed above and better prepare students for the future.

The World Community

A fifth incentive for the current education reforms is growing internationalization throughout the world. Advances in transportation, communications, and business practices have shrunk the world and required international cooperation. Despite Japan's success in international trade, the country does not yet feel knowledgeable, skilled, and comfortable with Western customs and those of its Asian neighbors. Though English has been taught widely since World War 11, the focus has been on reading and writing. Consequently, many young and middle-aged Japanese professionals do not speak the language fluently. Fewer still have a good understanding of the attitudes, habits, and culture of Westerners or other Orientals.

However limited the foreign language skills of Japanese and their knowledge of other countries, most of the rest of the world knows far less about Japan and its language. What countries are within a few hundred miles of Japan? How large is Japan's population? What is its gross national product?

Most of the West still thinks of Japan as a small island nation that excels at manufacturing cars and electronic equipment. They are unaware that its 123 million citizens make it the seventh most populous country in the world. They do not realize that its GNP is the second largest in the world, considerably exceeding the total of Germany and France together. And they do not know Japan is located just a few hundred miles from the former USSR, China, and both Koreas.

While most Japanese high school students study English, and many do so for six years, only about 2 out of 1000 American public high school students were taking Japanese in 1990, and only 13 percent of those were above a second-year course (American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages, 1991, Table 8; NCES, 1991b, p. 11).

Three international goals are driving the current educational reforms. One is utilitarian--the need to have a population that can easily work in other nations and with foreigners inside Japan. A second is geopolitical--the need to have a voice in world affairs comparable to its stature and contributions. As one official noted, 'At the international conferences we see on television, Japanese delegates seldom speak out and express their opinions--they just listen and talk among themselves.' The third is idealistic, perceiving that 'each nation is a member of the human family... [and should] engage...in cooperation with one another' (Kobayashi, 1986, p. 65).

Partly because of its success in international trade, Japan has been criticized for not being a good world citizen. Japanese consider some of these criticisms unfair, but they are convinced that all nations need to work hard to create and sustain a harmonious world order. Just as the nation puts a great effort into preparing its youth for their roles as citizens, it now intends to put effort into preparing its youth to be members of the world community.

Initiation of the Reforms

In June, 1984, Prime Minister Nakasone convened an ad-hoc National Council on Education Reform (NCER) to take a broad look at the Japanese education system and recommend needed changes. This was an end-run around Monbusho and its Central Council of Education, which several times during the past few decades had recommended relatively small improvements in the educational system. Mr. Nakasone noted:

Today we are facing dramatic changes in our circumstances, both domestic and overseas, as well as great changes in the times. I am convinced that the time has come to develop new policies for implementing the necessary reforms in political, economic, social, educational, cultural and other fields so as to adequately cope with these changes and thus safeguard the future of our nation. To this end, it is necessary for us, I believe, to reform our educational system with a long-term perspective and make this a responsibility of the entire Government...

It is my belief that educational reform should aim to preserve and further develop the traditional Japanese culture which we have inherited and to cultivate in children lofty ideals, sound physical strength, well-balanced personalities and creative power, as well as such moral and behavioral standards as are universally accepted in human society, so that these future Japanese citizens may be able to contribute to the international community with a Japanese consciousness...

Finally I should like to add that educational reform involves more than the reform of education alone. It will inevitably lead to reform of Japanese society itself. Bearing this in mind, I should like to ask you ... to deliberate on educational reform so as to respond to the expectations of all segments of our population and take into account their opinions to the greatest extent possible (cited in Leestrna, August, George, & Peak, 1987, p. 64).

The Council was comprised of 25 members 'of exemplary character and valuable opinions' appointed by the Prime Minister with the consent of the Diet (Ishizaka, 1992, p. 2). Over a three-year period, the Council issued four reports. The first report, released in June, 1985, recommended eight principles for educational reform:

1. Putting emphasis on individuality;
2. Putting emphasis on fundamentals;
3. Cultivating creativity, thinking abilities, and the power of expression;
4. Expanding opportunities for choices;
5. Humanizing the educational environment;
6. Providing a lifelong learning system;
7. Preparing students for internationalization; and
8. Preparing students for the information age (Ishizaka, 1992, pp. 4-5).

The subsequent reports, issued in 1986 and 1987, added corollaries and specific recommendations. Schooling is to be more 'diverse' and 'flexible,' the maximum class size is to be reduced to 40, and in-service teacher training is to be expanded and improved. The central government's control of education is to be reduced, with prefectural and municipal governments assuming more responsibilities, so the education system can be more flexible and more individualized (Tokutake, 1988).

The Council recognized the systemic links between K-12 education, higher education, and employment, and suggested more flexible criteria be used for university admissions and for corporate and government hiring (Ishizaka, 1992). The Council also reiterated the criticism that Japan's contributions in basic research and pure science have been meager, and urged more individualization in universities and more funding for basic research (Tokutake, 1988).

Prime Minister Nakasone, his party, and two of the opposition parties supported the substance of the recommendations. Nakasone's successors have done likewise. The proposals, however, were not universally applauded, as one could guess from the long-standing dispute between the traditionalists and the progressives, and from long-lived friction between the Japan Teachers' Union and Monbusho. The Communist party, one Socialist party, and the teachers' Union charged that the proposals were 'bowing to the demands of industry to revive an educational policy based on elitism, which is not in the best interests of the people' (Tokutake, 1988, p. 54).

The disagreements were heartfelt and acrimonious. One writer notes that 'in these days of greater diversity of values, it is virtually impossible to come up with proposals that satisfy everyone' (Tokutake, 1988, p. 54). Yet a central government official observed, 'There were lots of different kinds of arguments, but in the end there was a national decision. That is the Japanese custom.'

Implementation

Soon after the release of the first NCER report, the Minister of Education requested that the Central Council on Education have its Curriculum Council submit a report recommending changes to the Courses of Study for all grade levels. The Course of Study specifies, in broad terms, the objectives, curriculum, and pedagogy that should be reflected in textbooks and followed by the schools.

The Curriculum Council held meetings in the eight regions of Japan to discuss the NCER recommendations with representatives from the prefectural boards of education, municipal boards of education, and the local schools. It also conducted other research and then prepared drafts of the new Courses of Study that were released for review and comment in December, 1987. After considering the feedback, the Council made revisions and issued the final version in March, 1989.

Monbusho describes the basic aim for the new Course of Study to be:

...to ensure, in keeping the 21st century in view, the development of people with rich hearts who will be capable of coping with the changes in our society such as internationalization ... and the spread of information media (MESC, 1990, p. 24).

Because time was needed for publishers to rewrite the textbooks and for teachers and administrators to be prepared, the new Course of Study was implemented at the elementary school level in 1992, and at the lower secondary level in 1993. For grades 10, 11, and 12, it is being introduced in 1994, 1995, and 1996, respectively (Ishizaka, undated).

The actual changes in the courses and the hours devoted to them are small at the elementary and lower secondary school level. Social studies and science in grades 1 and 2 are to be replaced with a new course called 'Life Environment Studies,' which will use discovery methods for learning about the natural and social environment. At the lower secondary level the biggest change is an option of three or four more hours of elective subjects each week, with offsetting reductions in the required hours of other subjects (MESC, 1990).

At the upper secondary school level, the new Course of Study introduces many new courses. For instance, there are currently six science courses-- Science I & II, Physics, Chemistry, Biology, and Earth Science. After the new Course of Study goes into effect, there will be 13 courses--Integrated Science, Physics IA, IB & II, Chemistry IA, IB, & II, Biology IA, IB & II, and Earth Science IA, IB & II (MESC, 1990). This will permit the option of more instruction in a given field of science. Those studying English will be required to take at least one oral/aural communication course to help assure that students learn conversational skills. A previously optional World History course will soon be required. Similarly, one of three home economics courses will soon be required for boys and girls.

The new Course of Study is only one of several changes being made to achieve the objectives of reform. In-service training of teachers has been expanded. The teachers are being shown how to modify their pedagogy to make more use of individual study, discovery learning activities, group projects, and classroom discussions--with the objectives of stimulating interest, thinking, judgment, expression, and lifelong learning. Teachers are also being prepared to assess individual students' interests, attitudes, learning styles, and abilities, and to provide students with guidance in developing their potential, exploring career options, and investigating subsequent education alternatives.

The student evaluation cards have been revised to put more emphasis on assessing students' attitudes, willingness to learn, thought, judgment, and expression. Less emphasis is to be put on knowledge. Efforts are also under way to help students undertake self-assessments. High school students are passed or failed for the whole grade. If failed, they repeat the grade. The credit system, whereby students pass or fail each individual course, is being tested in a few upper secondary schools and is being considered for others. It would provide more flexibility to students who are having limited difficulties with course work and would also accommodate part-time high school students.

The school week, which used to be five-and-a-half days long, is being shortened gradually to five days a week. Saturday classes have usually ended at 1:00 p.m. After classes the students sometimes go on excursions, and on Sunday some return to school--in uniform--for club activities. As a result, most Japanese students do not understand the concept of 'weekend.'

The five-day school week is expected to serve several purposes. It will allow students time to 'be children and enjoy themselves.' It will give them more time to participate in family activities, help with household responsibilities, and engage in community activities--with the hope of strengthening family and community identity. The longer weekends are also supposed to give students more time to pursue projects and activities of their own choice, with the hope that this will contribute to individualization and the development of creativity and self-discipline.

Several changes are also being urged upon the universities. These include multiple admissions criteria, more variation in the educational programs, and more emphasis on basic scientific research. Monbusho is providing financial assistance to facilitate the latter two.

A Life-long Learning Bureau was established in 1988. The central government is providing subsidies to schools that provide learning programs for local adults. Correspondence courses are also being expanded. So are extension courses and evening classes at colleges and universities (MESC, 1989b).

Hurdles To Success

There are at least four hurdles facing successful achievement of the reform's objectives. They are traditional Japanese values, educators' lack of experience with the reform practices, the Japan Teachers' Union, and university admission practices.

Traditional Values

Several traditional Japanese values pose a significant hurdle for the reforms. The most important of these values is the sense of 'on'--indebtedness, obligations, and duty to the emperor, one's parents, and one's teachers (Benedict, 1946). 'On' to one's parents and one's teachers is still widely felt. 'On' is paid in many forms, including with gifts, favors, respect, and deference.

'Bushido' (the code of the samurai) continues to influence Japan. In Daidooji Yuuzan's still popular explication of this 15th and 16th century code, he notes:

But in Bushido, however loyal and filial a man may be in his heart, if he is lacking in the correct etiquette and manners by which respect is shown to lord or parent, he cannot be regarded as living in proper conformity with it (1941, p. 36).

Harmony, group cohesiveness, and conformity are also highly valued in Japan. It is often observed that, 'The nail that stands up will be pounded down' (Nakamura, 1989, pp. 120-121). Differences of opinion are expressed, especially in established groups, but then the participants engage in discussions aimed at reaching a consensus. Once decisions have been made, it is considered inappropriate to re-argue your case, withdraw from participation, thwart implementation, or abandon the group to go one's own way. Such conduct does happen occasionally, but tradition is a strong force against it.

Western scholars have published several books that describe Japanese preschools and elementary schools as warm and lively places with spirited teacher-pupil interaction (Cummings, 1980; Peak, 1991; Stevenson and Steigler, 1992). In secondary schools, however, the atmosphere changes dramatically and students generally sit quietly for the whole period. It is widely reported that teachers seldom ask questions and the students rarely initiate them. This writer's informal observations found moderate interaction (judging by American standards) in only two of seven visited schools, and one of those was formally designated as 'progressive.'

The sense of gratitude and modesty that is associated with 'on' may cause students to think they cannot exceed the wisdom of their forbearers. The respect afforded 'sensei' (teachers) is likely to make students not inclined to challenge the known and boldly seek new understandings. The value placed on harmony and group conformity will probably discourage students from pursuing ideas shunned by others and from defending ideas that have been incorrectly rejected.

Similarly, traditional values will affect the teachers and administrators. The deference that is generally afforded older staff members and the desire not to 'stick out' will tend to stifle innovation by the staff.

Inexperience

Another hurdle to the success of the reforms is that most administrators and teachers responsible for carrying them out have no experience with the type of education being planned. They have never attended schools or universities where instruction has been individualized, creativity encouraged, or the culture of other peoples studied in depth. In a sense, the administrators and teachers have been asked to create and operate a new culture.

This problem is most apparent in respect to teaching English conversational skills. The new Course of Study calls for more instruction in these skills. The English teachers are knowledgeable about English vocabulary and grammar, but many have limited conversational skills--because their own studies focused primarily on reading and writing the language. How does one teach oral skills when he or she does not possess them? Similarly, how does one foster individuality and creativity, when one's own individuality and creativity have not been fostered?

The Japan Teachers' Union

The Japan Teachers' Union represents almost half of the public school teachers. Soon after termination of the Allied Occupation in 1952, the national government changed school boards from elected bodies to appointed ones, and directed Monbusho to establish systems of teacher appraisal and approval of all textbooks (Horio, 1986; Tokutake, 1988). The Union decried these changes as nationalistic, and ever since the Union and Monbusho have often been at loggerheads.

The Union was not given representation on the NCER, and in 1984 it released its own reform proposals. The Five Principles of the plan were:

1. Peace and international solidarity;
2. Human rights and social equity;
3. Lifelong right to study;
4. Independence and cooperation -- foster creativity, give students the sovereignty of citizens, and build their sense of solidarity; and
5. The people should control education and its reform, rather than education being a means of state control (Horio, 1986, p. 35.

By now it has become clear the Union cannot prevent the structural and curriculum reforms under way, but if substantial numbers of it members share the Union's views, there could be difficulties in implementing the planned pedagogical changes. For decades, the Union's opposition to the weekly hour of 'moral education' has been accompanied by some teachers' refusal to use the hour in the manner specified by Monbusho. The teachers could similarly undermine the pedagogical aspects of the reforms.

A recent cross-national study of teachers in five countries found that Japanese teachers felt over-worked, underpaid, and dissatisfied with their jobs to a greater extent than did teachers in England, the United States, Singapore, and West Germany (Menlo and Poppleton, 1990; Ninomiya and Okato, 1990). If this finding was not due to transient events in Japan or methodological limitations of the study, there is a potential for defiance or subversion.

The Universities

Still another hurdle is the decentralized governance of universities and the pervading influence of the university admissions criteria. Since the Meiji Restoration in 1868, Japan has used the Chinese system of examinations for entrance to universities and civil service jobs. The examinations are widely perceived to be fair, but, for reasons mentioned above, are also thought to create 'examination hell,' and most parents regret their children have to experience such stress.

Monbusho has urged the universities to adopt multiple criteria for admission, such as school reports, interviews, essays, and practical skill tests, in addition to scholastic tests (MESC, 1990). A common 'first-stage' exam has been developed to focus on high school subject matter because it was thought that the universities' own exams often tested material beyond that level. The 1990 revision of this exam includes an English dictation test--a first attempt to assess oral/aural English skills. Since 1979 the 136 national and public universities have used the exam, and since 1990 a small portion of the private four-year colleges have begun doing likewise. The Constitution of Japan, however, gives universities independent determination of admissions criteria, and most still also require their own unique exams. Widespread change will require faculty decisions at hundreds of universities, and that could take many years.

Forces Propelling the Reforms

Though the reforms must overcome daunting hurdles to achieve, their objectives, there are several forces that will be pushing them onward. These include support from several quarterly antecedent changes of a similar nature, long-established curriculum revision procedure, an extensive in-service training, system, and the magnitude of effort being devoted to the reforms.

Leadership Support

A substantial portion of the national leadership in Japan supports the changes. The reforms were recommended by a council of distinguished leaders, supported by three prime ministers, and endorsed by three of the political parties. The support is not based on unbridled enthusiasm, but rather a determined resolve to prepare for the future. Nobody thinks the reform will be easy to implement and many are concerned about adverse effects that could accompany them. Most, however, believe that the nation should move forward as generally proposed--with careful planning and due caution.

Monbusho has made considerable progress in implementing the reforms. Equally important, Japanese schools will generally do as Monbusho suggests. Some compliance is required by law and some comes from tradition. Monbusho has directed Japanese education since 1871. It guided the education system during the ascendancy of ultra-nationalism and militarism, and because of that is still suspect in the minds of some, but it also guided the educational system during Japan's 'economic miracle,' and many Japanese attribute that success partly to the school system.

Support of Teachers

Most teachers initially had serious reservations about the proposed reforms, Over the following years, many have come to be cautiously hopeful about them in spite of the Japan Teachers Union's opposition.

The move towards individualization is the most controversial element among teachers. Many worry that the academically talented students will benefit from enriched instruction while the weak students will be tracked into inferior courses, thus reducing equity in the schools and society. Others fear that the talented may choose easier courses with resulting declines in achievement. And almost all worry about how to individualize instruction when there are 35-40 students in a class.

Some school staff, however, are eager for individualization. As one noted:

Education of uniformity--military education--caused our country much trouble in the past. Since then uniformity has both helped and hurt our educational system. Group consciousness brings a high level of achievement, but it does not develop individual talents, creativity, and self-confidence.

Another official noted, 'Just as you water different varieties of flowers according to their needs, we should nurture different students according to theirs.'

Some teachers welcome individualization as an aid in developing students' personalities, but others worry that discovery learning, discussions, and other new pedagogical approaches will take too much time away from the transmission of important knowledge and skills. Some see individualization as an antidote to what they consider to be excessive conformity in Japanese society, while others fear it will undermine traditional Japanese values of 'on,' harmony, group identity, and 'gambaru.'

Despite the concern about individualization, there are at least three elements of the reforms that have wide appeal among the teachers and principals. They welcome the reductions in maximum class size, though they think further reductions are needed if individualization is to be achieved. The five-day school week is applauded because it may encourage parents to assume more responsibility for childrearing, because it will give teachers more time with their own families, and because most public employees and many private ones already have a five-day work week (Foreign Press Center/Japan, 1991, p. 54). Efforts to reduce the stress on university admissions tests are also appreciated by many teachers and principals. They believe that high aspirations for a university education and the narrow criteria used for admission have focused secondary school instruction too narrowly on preparation for the entrance exams.

Parental Reactions

Another force supporting the reforms is parental hopes for improvements in the schools. Most parents respect professional educators and comply with their decisions. Despite that, during the past decade many parents have become concerned about the schools. They are particularly worried about the bullying, school violence, juvenile delinquency, the limited effort that many students show toward their studies, and the high degree of stress surrounding the university exams.

Traditionally, parents have not been substantially involved in the governance of schools, leaving that to the national government, the prefectural and municipal boards of education, and the principals. When this writer asked whether parents had come to the prefectural board of education to support or oppose the reforms, the response was, 'We do not have such parents.'

Many parents are leery of proposed changes in the university admissions system. They dislike the stress caused by the current system, but they believe the system is fair because it is objective. They fear that a new system may not be as equitable. Until another system is firmly in place, the parents of college-bound youth are likely to resist secondary school courses that do not focus on the university examinations.

Some parents share the concerns expressed by teachers about the potential downsides of the steps being taken to individualize instruction. Many were also anxious about how to handle a full two-day weekend.

Despite these reservations, the parents are generally providing tacit support for the reforms. Perhaps more important, they have presented little overt opposition.

Parallel Changes in Society

A fourth force propelling the reforms is the parallel changes that have already woven their way into the social fabric of Japan. There is considerable diversity in reading materials, clothing, and entertainment. Marriages used to be arranged, but now about half are 'love matches.' A large private school industry is already providing considerable individualization in after-school instruction. Some 'juku' offer arts and crafts instruction, some provide remedial help, and some present advanced academic material.

Japanese have long continued their quest for knowledge after formal schooling. Their newspaper readership rate is twice that of the United States. Despite a population half the size of that in the U.S., Japan annually publishes considerably more new books of literature and about the same number in the sciences (Management and Coordination Agency, 1992, pp. 133-134).

Japanese citizens are also intensely interested in international affairs. Japan has about 540 news correspondents in 45 foreign countries. Seven percent of the population traveled abroad in 1989 (Foreign Press Center / Japan, 1991, pp. 103, 110). National surveys show that 50 percent of the population thinks Japan 'should contribute to the solution of global issues' (Prime Minister's Office, 1992, p. 2).

Antecedent Changes in Education

Similarly, several aspects of the reforms are an extension of earlier changes in the schools. The changes made immediately after World War 11 were aimed at:

...the full development of personality, striving for the rearing of the people, sound in mind and body, who shall love truth and justice, esteem individual value, respect labour and have a deep sense of responsibility and be imbued with the independent spirit, as builders of the peaceful state and society (MESC, 1989a, p. 9).

The last Courses of Study, published in 1977 and 1978, anticipated the current reforms. The upper secondary school Course of Study urged a 'well-balanced development of individual students as human beings, with full consideration for... the abilities, aptitudes and future courses of students' (MESC, 1983, p. 1). The overall objective of the science courses was, 'To develop students' ability and positive attitude to inquire into nature through observations and experiments, to enhance their understanding of fundamental concepts' (MESC, 1983, p. 49).

Maximum class size has been reduced before. Reductions have been made five times since 1959 (MESC, 1989b).

Over the past several decades, Japan has introduced several different kinds of upper secondary schools, thereby providing one form of individualization. As of 1988, 74 percent of the students attended schools with an academic program of study, 11 percent attended schools with business programs, 9 percent attended schools with industrial programs, and another 7 percent attended schools with programs in agricultural, fishery, home economics, nursing, and other vocations (MESC, 1989a). There are also part-time schools, correspondence schools, and a televised University of the Air.

In 1966 the Central Council for Education called for educational changes to prepare 'Japanese opening out to the world,' and in 1974 it issued a report titled 'International Exchanges in Education, Science, and Culture' (Kobayashi, 1986, p. 67). Since then Japan has dramatically expanded its exchange programs. About 5,000 teachers and administrators are sent overseas annually for one- or two-week visits, 113,000 Japanese are studying abroad, and 31,000 foreign students are studying in Japan (MESC, p. 78; 1990, p. 52).

In addition, Japan has spent almost a decade experimenting with some of the current reforms in a few progressive schools. Those schools have encountered some problems, but the experience has generally been considered encouraging.

Established Mechanism for Curriculum Reform

The steps described above for developing the new Course of Study and phasing it in through the various grade levels--an eleven-year process--have been used four times previously to make lesser changes. The procedure is well known and has worked in the past. It is like a trusted machine being cranked up again for another job.

In-Service Training

Another factor that will help the reforms is Japan's extensive in-service education system for teachers and principals. Monbusho conducts in-service training of principals, vice-principals, and lead teachers. In addition, each of Japan's prefectures and large cities has an education center that conducts applied research on issues of concern to school staff, prepares publications, and conducts extensive in-service education.

The centers have modern facilities that can accommodate several hundred people. They are usually equipped with a language laboratory, one or more microcomputer rooms, a video production facility, advanced scientific equipment, and a library with electronic access to national databases. Since the training sessions often last three to five days, many also have residential quarters.

The centers are staffed almost exclusively by experienced teachers who are assigned to them for a few years and then return to the schools. In-service education usually combines lectures, discussions among the participants, and practice with new methods and approaches.

Beginning in 1991, all new teachers have been required to receive at least 20 days of in-service education at the education center during their first year of employment. They are paid for this time. In most prefectures, additional in-service training is conducted by master teachers in the schools. Experienced teachers and principals are also sent to the centers on an as-needed basis. Since all teachers in a school gather often to discuss curriculum, pedagogy, guidance, and other matters, the training provided by the education centers is quickly communicated throughout the entire education system.

Career Paths

The normal career paths of teachers and school administrators provide broad experience and personal linkages. Both should be helpful in carrying out the reforms.

Teachers in most prefectures are rotated to different schools every three to four years, with a portion reassigned each year. Teachers are also shifted from one grade level to another, though not across the elementary, lower secondary, and the upper secondary divisions.

Many teachers serve on a part-time basis for a year or more in at least one of the following administrative positions: assistant head teacher for a given grade level, head teacher for the grade level, department head for a given subject, chief of staff, or dean of students. Some also serve for a period as staff with the municipal board of education. Not surprisingly, the cross-national study of teachers mentioned above found that Japanese teachers reported the highest levels of helpful meetings with colleagues, participation in school management, and promotion opportunities (Menlo and Poppleton, 1990).

After about twenty or twenty-five years of service, some teachers are sent to work for about three years at the prefectural board of education. They assume mid-level administrative positions. If they fill those responsibilities well, they are usually made the vice principal of a school. Following several years of satisfactory performance, they may again be reassigned to the board of education for another few years, assuming higher administrative responsibilities. Then they are likely to be appointed as a principal. Once in that position, most will be rotated among schools every few years. Though this is not the only career path of a principal, it is a common one, and it provides many principals with extensive knowledge of the prefecture's relationship to Monbusho, the board of education's internal operations, and the entire prefectural school system.

These frequent rotations of teachers and administrators expose school staff to new ideas, provide a broad perspective, and contribute to equality of education throughout the school system. Rotation is also common in large Japanese organizations, including the central government agencies and private corporations. The practice is similar to, and perhaps influenced by, a tradition established in the 17th century when the Tokugawa shogunate forged peace among long-warring feudal daimyos. The shogunate required each daimyo to live in the capital every other year. This facilitated communication and the development of a common culture, and inhibited provincial conspiracies (Moriya, 1985).

Effort

Top government officials, as well as school officials, recognize the reforms will not come easily or quickly, and are prepared for a long-term endeavor. When Prime Minister Nakasone spoke at the ceremony dissolving the ad-hoc National Council on Education Reform, he noted:

Educational reform is a centennial event in the life of a nation, and will require considerable time. The task of education does not bear tangible results until twenty or thirty years have gone by (Tokutake, 1988, p. 55).

When school officials answered this writer's questions about details of the reforms, they repeatedly said, 'That will be difficult,' and 'We will make effort.' Teachers urge their students on with 'Gambare!' which means 'Make effort! Persevere!,' and the teachers and principals are used to following their own advice.

Earlier the traditional values of 'on,' bushido, group cohesiveness and harmony were cited as hurdles to the success of the current reforms. Conversely, another traditional value, 'the Japanese Spirit' will propel the reforms forward.

The 'Japanese Spirit' is subordinating one's body and feelings to the important matters of life (Benedict, 1946). Most Japanese believe that difficulties are inevitable in life, and that physical strength, self-discipline, and persevering effort are necessary not only for survival and fulfilling one's duties, but also for living fully and savoring life. The fact that modern Japanese are seeking more leisure and are enjoying their newly earned wealth does not mean they have abandoned this value. From feudal times, and perhaps earlier, Japanese have approved pleasures of the mind and body as long as they did not interfere with one's responsibilities.

The Japanese Spirit may be weakening, but it is far from dead. Japanese widely attribute their post-war economic miracle to 'wakon-yoosai' (Western techniques with Japanese Spirit), and the victories of underdog sports teams are commonly attributed to the Japanese Spirit, or more narrowly, to 'gambaru.' The Japanese Spirit will incline educators to ignore personal hardships that will be faced during these reforms and inspire them to follow through with considerable effort and perseverance.

The level of effort that government officials are prepared to undertake is illustrated by one of the measures taken to foster internationalization. The Japan Exchange and Teaching Program, established in 1987, brings native speakers of English (and a few of German and French), to work in Japan as assistant language teachers--team-teaching with Japanese foreign language teachers. This is intended to develop the students' and Japanese teachers' conversational skills, demonstrate the relevance of speaking a foreign language, introduce the students and teachers to Western people and culture, and stimulate the discussion of international issues. The program also is a means for developing the participating Westerners' skill in Japanese (many arrive with none) and their understanding of Japanese culture and customs.

Several thousand Westerners are recruited and screened each year. About 2,000 are brought to Japan annually. They are oriented and then sent throughout the country for up to three years. Though most are recent college graduates, Monbusho provides them with salaries, housing allowances, and national health insurance benefits comparable to those received by Japanese teachers with seven years of experience.

The assistant language teachers have been accepted in thousands of classrooms by teachers who never before team-taught, into hundreds of schools never before visited by a Westerner, and into numerous communities never before having a Western resident. There have been misunderstandings, breaches of etiquette, difficulties, and disappointments, but officials are generally pleased with the program.

Like many aspects of the current reforms, this magnitude of effort is not new to Japan. For instance, between 1970 and 1988, while elementary and secondary school enrollment remained approximately constant, Japan replaced half of its elementary and lower secondary school buildings with modern ones (MESC, 1990, p. 19).

Prognosis for the Reforms

Which will prevail--the several hurdles facing the reforms or the various forces pushing them onward? It is one thing to analyze several factors that advance and oppose social change. It is another to anticipate all the factors that might come into play, judge the strength of each, and foresee the interactions among them. As a Chinese proverb warns, 'Prediction is very difficult--particularly with regard to the future.'

There are at least three levels on which the outcomes of these reforms can be judged. Will the planned institutional, curriculum, pedagogical, and assessment changes be implemented and maintained in the near term? If so, will the objectives of the reforms be achieved--expanded individuality, creativity, international communication, and lifelong learning, and reduced stress on university admissions and educational backgrounds? And if yes, with what benefits and disadvantages for Japan?

It was noted above that several aspects of these current reforms have been anticipated by prior reforms. That can be interpreted as a trend that bodes well for current efforts, but remembering the strong calls for individualization since World War 11 and the limited changes that followed, it can also be interpreted as indicating deeply entrenched resistance (Duke, 1986). As one Japanese scholar has observed of the reforms that followed World War 11, 'It proved easier, however, to change the administrative system than to change the people's way of thinking which is the basis of educational institutionalization' (Kida, 1986, p. 11).

That observation should be kept in mind, but there are reasons to think this reform effort may not suffer the same fate. None of the hurdles facing the reforms are new--all have prevailed since the war. On the other hand, this reform effort is being propelled by several forces that did not previously exist. It has had substantial leadership support. It has been preceded by growing individualization and internationalization in the daily lives of many Japanese. The package of reforms includes several elements that are attractive to most educators. And there is a greatly expanded in-service education system for preparing teachers and principals.

It seems likely that Japan will move forward with most of the planned changes for the remainder of this decade. It is already ten years into the effort, and almost everyone expects it to continue. The Course of Study has been revised, textbooks have been rewritten, all teachers have been oriented and some have received in-service training, and new resources such as the assistant language teachers have been introduced widely.

Students are being offered a few additional course options, teachers will deal with students in a somewhat more individualized manner, creativity will receive some encouragement, oral foreign language skills and knowledge of other cultures will be taught in many schools, and lifelong learning options will be expanded. The only major element in doubt is the introduction of multiple criteria for university admissions, because that change must be decided by each faculty in several hundred institutions.

Implementation, however, will probably be evolutionary rather than revolutionary, because the reform is in the hands of the education establishment and faces the aforementioned hurdles. The Assistant English Teachers program has already evinced this problem--the top-ranked schools were slower to use the Western teachers because the students, teachers, and parents opposed wasting time on conversational skills that were not tested by the universities.

Implementation is also likely to surge and ebb. There will be difficulties, some adverse outcomes, criticisms, second thoughts, backlashes, and even retrenchment. There will be the need to fine-tune and perhaps revise the plans as they progress. Substantial implementation may require a new generation of teachers, who have been taught under a limited implementation, and who then extend those practices further as they become teachers and administrators.

Japanese officials recognize that these reforms will take time and require considerable fine-tuning. One said, 'Individuality and creativity have to be introduced gradually, gently, and with great persistence.' Another official acknowledged, 'These reforms are trials; we need to test them and refine them as needed.'

Monbusho is monitoring implementation of the reforms. Six months after the new Course of Study began to be used at the elementary level, Monbusho organized regional conferences with representatives from the schools. It also plans to survey the schools annually. The results of these inquiries will then be considered as Japan plans the next cycle of revisions to its Course of Study. That planning will probably begin in 1996 or 1997.

Implementation of a reform does not assure achievement of the objectives. Will individuality and individual initiative be developed? Will thinking skills and creativity expand? Will oral English communication and intercultural skills be enhanced? Will students who now drift become engaged in study? Will student behavior problems decline in frequency? Will the stress associated with university admissions subside? Will citizens pursue more lifelong learning?

For some of these questions, the answer is very likely 'yes.' For others, the answer is less certain.

As indicated above, individuality has already been increasing in Japan. With encouragement in the schools, it is likely to expand further despite the resistance posed by traditional values. Critical thinking skills and creativity can be fostered with appropriate training, opportunities for application, and social rewards. In a few secondary schools where students have been encouraged, they now ask questions, express opinions, and sometimes even respectfully disagree with the teacher! This will become more widespread.

Oral skills in English and other foreign languages will surely develop with more exposure. This is already happening in schools with the assistant language teachers, and if reinforced over several years of instruction, the progress should be considerable. With the growth of international contacts through business, conferences, recreational travel, and professional exchanges, more Japanese than ever before will have an opportunity to use, hone, and retain these skills after leaving school.

Given the high priority Japanese culture places on learning, the long history of learning activities among 'commoners,' and the popularity of reading throughout Japan, good use is likely to be made of the expanded lifelong learning opportunities. Indeed, the demand could quickly outstrip supply.

For the other reform objectives, successful achievement is less certain. Individualized instruction will probably capture the interest and stimulate the efforts of some students who now drift, but it may cause others to choose less demanding classes. The results of attempts to tailor instruction to the interests and needs of students in the United States, such as with individually prescribed instruction and 'shopping mail schools,' have not been unmitigated successes.

Similarly, the reforms will probably reduce the behavior problems of some students, but they may increase those of others, and the net effect could go either way. Japanese officials realize that they are moving Japanese education closer to Western models, and that these models are associated with more behavior problems among the students and the graduates. Consequently, they are taking a number of precautions, including phasing-in the reforms, simultaneously reinforcing traditional values and community ties, and monitoring the interim results. The effects of these measures, however, remain to be seen.

The adoption of multiple criteria for university entrance decisions will not, alone, reduce the stress associated with university applications. Multiple criteria make any one criteria less critical, but there are more to prepare for and worry about. In addition, the transition to new criteria may temporarily increase stress, because the upcoming students will be uncertain about which criteria will be in effect when they reach the 12th grade.

The reformers are hoping that the magnetism of prestigious universities will be reduced by increased individuality, better student guidance, expanded lifelong learning opportunities, and changed employment practices, but the first three elements may not be sufficient and the latter element is not assured.

As the reforms' impacts become evident, there are at least three conditions that could trigger a backlash and possibly abandonment of the reforms. First, many Japanese seem prepared for a decline in the traditional values of conformity and deference, but if honor, responsibility, effort, and harmony weaken substantially, there will be an outcry against the reforms. Second, if the schools produce a workforce less well prepared for the needs of industry and commerce, the reforms will come under fire. Third, if the reforms result in more academic and economic stratification, particularly if strongly correlated with students' family background characteristics, the reforms will be challenged. Every citizen knows that only a century ago Japan was a country of five distinct classes, and very few wish a return to that arrangement.

The reforms' overall effects on the country cannot yet be predicted with any assurances. One of the pivotal determinants will be how the new objectives and old values interact. Though it may appear that the Japanese are trying to Westernize their schools, on closer examination it is clear that they are trying to synthesize certain aspects of American education with their existing system, with the hopes of producing a superior hybrid. One official noted, 'We should borrow some, but not all.' Another official warned, 'Students still need to master the basics and keep the Japanese Spirit.'

If the achievement of the new objectives undermines the traditional strengths of Japan, the results will be problematic. On the other hand, if individuality, creativity, and internationalization can be integrated with traditional Japanese values, so that the two complement each other, the results could usher in a new era of accomplishment in the arts, humanities, and sciences, as well as in technology and commerce.

CENTER for POLICY STUDIES:
Graduate School of Education and Human Development

Japanese Education Reforms
of the 1990s

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