Institute for Education Policy Studies
Graduate School of Education and Human Development

Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access:
The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

Carol A. Kochhar
Malati I. Gopal

Occasional Paper Series
March, 1998

The Institute for Education Policy Studies (IEPS) is located in The Graduate School of Education and Human Development at The George Washington University. This occasional paper series is one component of a strategy to advance the primary goal-fostering dialogue and research on the significant public policy issues inherent in the key aspects of education and human development.

All articles in this occasional paper series are original contributions and have been peer reviewed by faculty at The George Washington University. Publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of The University.

Published 1998 by:
The Institute for Education Policy Studies
The George Washington University
Graduate School of Education and Human Development
2134 G. Street, N.W., Suite 220; Washington, DC 20052
Telephone: (202) 994-4328; Fax: (202) 994-8698


TABLE OF CONTENTS

I.

About the Authors

 
  • Carol A. Kochhar
  • Malati I. Gopal

II.

Abstract

III.

The Paper:
Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access: The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

 

A. Introduction

 

B. The Imperative for Greater Access

 

C. The Link Between Aid Agencies and Educational Development

 

D. Benefits of Investing in Universal Basic Education

 

E. The Importance of Educational Development in Promoting Social Equality

 

F. Defining Full Participation in Educational Development

 

G. Full Participation in Education Reduces Individual Dependency

 

H. International Trends in Improving Access to Education for All

 

I. Philosophical Principles for a Shared Responsibility

 

J. Directions in Policy and Practice for Educating All Children

 
 

K. The Emerging Paradigm for Inclusive Education

 
 

L. Summary: The Imperative for Inclusive Education in Developing Regions

IV.

References

V.

Appendix A: Why Full Participation is Essential to Achieving the Goals of Educational Development

VI.

Appendix B: Criteria for Inclusive Primary Educational Development

TABLE OF TABLES

Table 2.1

Comparison of the Terms Impairment, Disability and Handicap

Table 5.1

Principles for a New Paradigm for UPE

Table 5.2

Legal Assurances of Education for All

Table 5.3

Education is Child-Centered: Every Child is a Learner

Table 5.4

Quality in Curriculum, Instructional Methods and Materials

Table 5.5

Strengthening Linkages Between Regular and Special Educational Systems

Table 5.6

Shared Responsibility for a Community Support System for Children

Table 5.7

Professional Development to Respond to Diversity:
Promoting Continued Renewal of Teacher Competence

Table 5.8

A Holistic and Developmental Approach to Educating Children


ABOUT THE AUTHORS

DR. CAROL KOCHHAR, Associate Professor and School Consultant
Graduate School of Education and Human Development,
The George Washington University, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.

Dr. Kochhar directs leadership training programs for special educators and school-linked service personnel, teaches advanced graduate courses, and consults with school districts engaged in educational development for diverse student populations, including disadvantaged, at-risk, and students with disabilities. She has developed an international perspectives course for advanced graduate students, endorsed by many international organizations. Dr. Kochhar works with U.S. and international organizations in the development of disability policies, professional training, educational services, and international human rights policies. Recent international experiences include: a research consultation with the World Bank on special educational needs of children in 12 developing nations in the Asia Region; development of educational seminars for German and U.S. teachers with the U.S. Department of Defense Dependent Schools; and the U.S.-Baltic Consortium special education seminars in Moscow, Russia. Dr. Kochhar has 20 years experience designing and developing school-community programs and services for special populations and has published widely in the field of special educational services, school-community integrated services, career/vocational training, and disability policies. She conducts education policy studies, disseminates educational policy information through various publications, and is President of the International Division on Career Development and Transition, the Council for Exceptional Children.

MALATI GOPAL, Ed. S., Doctoral Candidate and Consultant
Graduate School of Education and Human Development,
The George Washington University, Washington, D.C., U.S.A

Malati Gopal has more than 10 years of experience in teaching, designing, implementing, and directing programs for special populations. She has an extensive knowledge of special needs and services for special learners in India and the U.S. She has taught courses in the School of Management and Department of Education at Gallaudet University and in the Department of Teacher Preparation and Special Education at The George Washington University. Research experiences in the U.S. include internships with the United Nations, Senate Subcommittee on Disability of the U.S. Congress, International Disability Rights Project with the Kennedy Foundation, and National Association of State Directors of Special Education. Ms. Gopal has leadership experiences with governmental and non-governmental organizations in developing educational programs and services for individuals with disabilities. Ms Gopal served as Executive Officer of the National Foundation for the Deaf in India and acted as policy liaison with that Government. In that role, she initiated a proposal for developing a postsecondary program for the deaf in India with assistance from the National Technical Institute for the Deaf in Rochester, N.Y.

The authors can be reached at the Department of Teacher Preparation and Special Education at The Graduate School of Education and Human Development, 2134 G St. N.W., Washington, D.C. 20052. Telephone: 202-994-9104, Internet: kochhar@gwu.edu or mgopal@gwu.edu.


ABSTRACT

As developing nations struggle to become viable participants in the world economy, economically advanced nations are increasing their efforts to assist in that development. Recognizing the link between economic and human resources development, aid agencies have begun to view education and training as essential tools to achieve the goals of broad social and economic development. Consequently, a new development paradigm is emerging that emphasizes more equitable development and investment in people and their participation in education and the development process. Universal access to education has been determined to have "strategic importance" for social and economic development in underdeveloped nations. Investment in basic education to help all children become literate and productive citizens increases self sufficiency for the individual, the family as an economic unit, the community, and the nation. Aid agencies and recipient countries are asking two central questions related to expanding access to education: (1) How can aid agencies' current economic and human resource development strategies contribute to broader educational access by a diverse population of children and youth? and (2) How can the strategic and operational choices made in planning for educational development accommodate children and youth with different levels of educational need? Though developing countries have made impressive gains in providing primary education over the past few decades, the current conditions for children in most developing nations require a continued commitment from developed nations to assist with such educational development.

This paper provides a framework for examining education as it may be realized for all children and enhancing the contribution made by education to general economic and social development. This paper presents a broad, flexible, and inclusive definition of education and examines country responses from a "contextual" point of view which recognizes that "special needs" may be defined by different social and cultural contexts. It examines two interrelated dynamics important to equitable, sustainable development: (1) building capacity for inclusive education; and (2) enhancing participation in the educational practice and policy decisions by the people whom those decisions affect. This paper provides a framework and set of principles for an emerging paradigm for inclusive education. The framework underscores the importance of cooperation among community sectors in addressing the issues of basic and primary education, improvement of school quality, and access for all children.

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Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access: The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

INSTITUTE for EDUCATION POLICY STUDIES
Graduate School of Education and Human Development

Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access:
The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

Carol A. Kochhar
Malati I. Gopal

INTRODUCTION

As developing nations struggle to become viable participants in the world economy, economically advanced nations have, over several decades, increased their efforts to assist in that development. This development aid, however, has had mixed results and an uneven impact (Piccioto & Rist, 1995). Aid agencies and some recipient countries have grown disillusioned with many development programs as rates of poverty, illiteracy, maternal death, and child mortality remain far higher than in developed countries.

Aid agencies, increasingly, have begun to recognize the link between economic and human resources development. Because they now view education and training as essential tools to achieve the goals of broad social and economic development, they have shifted their investment strategies to invest in people. As developing countries have begun to demand both equity and an improvement in educational quality, multinational agencies have instituted policies that promote basic education and a greater participation of the general population in the development of education.

Universal access to basic education, which has "strategic importance" for social and economic development in underdeveloped nations, raises two central questions. First, how can aid agencies' current economic and human resource development strategies allow broader educational access by a diverse population of children and youth? Second, how can the strategic and operational choices made in planning for educational development accommodate children and youth with different levels of educational need? (Lynch, 1994). Although developing countries have made significant gains in providing basic and primary education over the past few decades in many regions (Brouillette, 1995; Ingham, 1993; Kibria, 1993; United Nations, 1990), much remains to be done. Ensuring that all children are literate and prepared for productive work, family, and community is a primary task of government, but a task which governments in many developing countries simply do not have the resources to undertake. These nations require a continued commitment from developed nations to assist with educational development.

The goal of universal access to basic education (basic skills in mathematics and literacy) cannot be achieved without including a large number of children who are currently not enrolled or are unable to learn in conventional school settings and with existing educational practices (Lynch, 1994). These special learner populations include children with physical and cognitive disabilities. Investment in basic education to help all children become literate and productive citizens increases self sufficiency for three parties: the child and family as an economic unit, the community, and the state. Literate children are more likely to contribute more to the development of the local economy and to become self sufficient; their parents will be less likely to be burdened by long-term support of the child. The community avoids the burden of wasting scarce resources on long-term support of dependent people. The community and the state gain from this growing talent pool to conduct their work and create needed change.

Nations in developing regions, such as Asia and Africa, as well as bilateral and international agencies and more developed countries, have already established many of the benchmarks for the greater inclusion of children with special educational needs in basic and primary education. Numerous educational initiatives are resulting in the enrollment of an increasingly large and diverse population of children into primary schools. This enrollment, however, generates considerable uncertainty about these children's needs, the nature of the schooling they require, and the kind of realistic and appropriate responses teachers and school systems should make (Lynch, 1994). As a result of this growing diversity, educators, administrators, and community leaders around the world are addressing the question of how greater access to education should be achieved.

This paper explores the role of education in equitable, sustainable development and examines two interrelated dynamics important to such development: (1) building capacity for inclusive education; and (2) enhancing participation in the educational practice and policy decisions by the people who are affected by them. it defines which children are in need of special educational services, definitions that vary within different social and cultural contexts. it presents a framework and set of principles for inclusive education and explores the importance of inclusive approaches in,educational development. Finally, it underscores the importance of cooperation among community sectors and presents a collaborative approach among governmental, non governmental, and local aid agencies in fostering inclusive educational approaches.

THE IMPERATIVE FOR GREATER ACCESS

In many developing countries, a majority of children of elementary school age are currently not attending school or cannot learn in conventional school settings and with existing educational practices For example:

  1. Only about two thirds of the children of primary school age in developing countries attend school (Hurst, 1981; Lynch, 1994).
  2. It is estimated that some 130 million children between the ages of six and eleven, many with impairments and learning disabilities, do not receive any kind of basic or primary education; 60 percent of them are girls (United Children's Fund, 1991).
  3. In the Asia region, more than one third of children entering the first grade fail to reach the end of the primary cycle (Mingat & Tan, 1992).
  4. The World Health Organization (1990) estimates that only about 1-2 percent of children who have severe and multiple impairments receive institutional services; the majority are excluded total totally from school.

Lynch (1994), who directed a World Bank-sponsored study of 12 countries in the Asia Region, defined children with "special educational needs" as those with any or several of the following characteristics:

Other studies of children with special educational needs in developing regions such as Africa and Central America reflect these same characteristics (Brouillette, 1995; Bujazan, Hare, Belle & Stafford, 1987; Mittler, 1992; Naude, 1993; United Nations Center for Human Rights, 1990). These groups are viewed as having a basic human right to education to enhance the quality of their own lives and the lives of their families and communities. Developing countries, certainly, have made significant gains in human resources in the past fifty years. Their overall infant death rate improved from 25-30 per thousand in the 1950s to 10-15 per thousand in the 1980s. Life expectancy rose from 40 years in 1945 to 62 years in the 1990s. Literacy rates have increased greatly since 1945, with enrollments in higher education increasing by a factor of 20; in secondary education by a factor of 15; and in primary education by a factor of 5 (Galbraith, 1983; Ingham, 1993; United Nations, 1990; Weisinger, 1986). However, while it is important to recognize these achievements, it is equally important to realize the growing pressures on developing countries to continue such progress in the face of severely limited or diminishing resources. Population increases, for example, threaten to erase the significance of these expanding school enrollments throughout developing regions. Between 1980 and 2000, according to estimates, the world's population will increase from 4.5 to 6 billion persons (Hegerty, 1992; Hurst, 1981; Kibria, 1993; Lynch, 1994).

With the significant expansion of primary education in the last decade, many children with special learning needs have been enrolling in primary schools but are not being adequately served. These children are at risk of repeating grades (grade retention) or dropping out because of poverty, hunger, malnutrition, environmental or cultural reasons, and minor disabilities that impede their performance (Barnett, 1991; Barnett & Escobar, 1995; Lynch, 1994). Also, many educators believe that high dropout and grade retention rates reflect learning problems, the root cause of which is the inadequate provision of early education.

The size of the population of children with special educational needs in many developing countries is difficult to quantify. Many factors contribute to this problem, including the lack of standardized screening instruments to diagnose disabilities, the absence of clear standards for what constitutes disability, the lack of properly conducted population studies, and a lack of knowledge on the part of government officials who report data. The fact that some disabilities are reversible and can be overcome is also a factor affecting population estimates (Brouillette, 1995, 1992; Jonsson, 1993; Lynch, 1994; Moslat & Kauffman, 1993; Naude, 1993).

In 1978, the World Health Organization estimated that about 10 percent of the world's population had disabilities, a figure accepted by other United Nation agencies (ILO, UNESCO, UNICEF) and by international Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) concerned with disability issues. Based on the 10 percent figure, the total number of persons with disabilities in the world was approximately 450 million in 1980 and 500 million in 1990. The number is expected to rise to well over 600 million by the end of this century, with approximately 40 percent of this population comprising school-age children. UNICEF estimates that 140 million children with learning difficulties and significant disabilities are living in developing countries, with 88 million of those in Asia, 18 million in Africa, and 13 million in Latin American. Only 11 million live in Europe and 6 million in North America. One family in four is estimated to be affected by disabilities in one way or another while their children are of school age. (UNCE, 1991; UNESCO, 1990; WHO, 1978). The magnitude of the problem warrants extraordinary educational development efforts to promote inclusion of all children in the educational system. The goals of universal access to education in inclusive settings are central to the goals of economic and political empowerment in developing nations. Given the scope of the problem, developed nations must make a continued commitment to improve conditions for children from developing countries.

THE LINK BETWEEN AID AGENCIES AND EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

A variety of institutions, including governmental organizations, private voluntary organizations, NGOs, academic institutions, and business organizations, provide development assistance to host countries in a variety of forms, ranging from technical assistance to financial resources. These agencies have made loans and given credits for education at all levels, from primary to postgraduate, for vocational education and job training, and for many forms of non-formal education.

Many developing countries often rely upon external agencies to develop both formal and informal educational initiatives, from policy development and planning to systematic reform. They often need assistance so desperately that they are willing to accommodate within their development plans any projects an outside agency is willing to finance (Spaulding, 1981). For example, for decades before the Marxist government took over in 1978, Afghanistan, like other developing countries at that time, lacked the planning capacity to develop an integrated education system. The Afghan government pursued a policy of educational "non-alignment," which meant that it initiated a variety of projects in many educational fields that foreign donors were willing to support. The Germans, French, Americans, the then--Soviet Union, UNESCO, the World Bank, and others funded a patchwork of projects, each with little relationship to one another (McGinn, Barra & Harris, 1985; Spaulding, 1981). The non-alignment policy did not necessarily foster the country's ability to build its education capacity.

Over the past few decades, aid agencies have incorporated education goals into broader economic development and poverty reduction projects. Since the 1960s, aid agencies' educational development strategies have also shifted from higher education to basic education and broader participation of the general population in education. The World Bank, for example, initiated its first educational loan in 1963, focusing mainly on vocational and technical training and general secondary education. At that time, a narrow interpretation of the human capital contribution guided the agency's strategies (World Bank Education Sector Papers, 1974; 1980). Later, the Bank conceptualized the education-development relationship in a much broader way, and highlighted relevance, efficiency, and economy as key educational issues. The new policy, aimed at projects like vocational training to produce trained manpower, placed more emphasis on technical assistance (World Bank Annual Report, 1971). Additionally, the Bank put a heightened emphasis on primary and basic education for young people and adults, and also on minority participation, rural development, and equity. It based its rationale for promoting basic education on its view that education served not solely a humanitarian, human rights function but, from an economics point of view, had an important investment value (Lynch, 1994). in the late 1970s, as research evidence mounted about the ineffectiveness of aid projects, the World Bank came to view basic education as the cornerstone of development (Psacharapoulos, 1983; Rist & Piccioto, 1995; Zimmerman, 1993). World Bank lending for primary education, which began in 1970, represented about 25 percent of total world lending for the period 1981 to 1989. Between 1987-89, about 43 percent of the Bank's credits and loans to general education were for primary education. From 1990 to 1991, the amount of World Bank investment in primary education increased by more than 144 percent (Lynch, 1994). Currently, its lending for primary education is more focused on policy change and concentrated on three overall objectives: (1) improvement of access, (2) enhancement of quality, and (3) the reform of management and administration (Lynch, 1994; World Bank Reports, 1994, 1990). The Bank is giving priority to measures intended to increase children's learning and primary school completion.

Other multinational agencies have also shifted their educational aid policies to promote basic education and greater participation of the general population in education. The Inter-American Development Bank regards expenditures on education as investments in human capital, rather than as consumption (Bujazan, et al., 1987). As another example, the U.S. Agency for International Development's education sector and Caribbean Basic Initiative funds shifted their aid policies significantly during the 1970s. They created new categories of aid for non-formal education, basic skills and primary education, participation of women, and the urban and rural poor (Method & Shaw, 1981). In addition, the aid policies of each of these institutions called for stronger coordination between donor agencies and host countries, manpower planning within the wider economic context, and collaborative planning with recipient countries (Warren 1984; Zimmerman 1993). In the 1980s in Latin American and Caribbean countries, aid agencies primarily focused on quality, meeting the demand for labor in production sectors, and training additional personnel in science and technology. Clearly, education has become a central tool for promoting economic development and reducing poverty.

Increasing the availability, or quantity, of primary education is only a part of the challenge to include all children in primary education, however. The quality of services must also be improved. Information on the outcomes of education in developing countries reveals how ineffective primary education is (Lynch, 1994). Far too often, the picture is one of high drop-out rates, low attendance, high frequency of grade repetition, and poor achievement. Even in countries where the quality of primary education is recognized to be generally good, there are often populations whose needs are not adequately addressed (World Bank, 1990). For this reason, current World Bank approaches to providing primary education emphasize both expansion of basic educational services as well as improved access to education. For example, since 1982, in the Asia Region, both the International Bank for Research and Development (IBRD) and the International Development Agency (IDA) have been involved in a number of projects which include primary-age children. Examples of these include:

Additional projects which emphasize quality improvement in primary education are under preparation in Laos, Indonesia, India, the Philippines, and China (Lynch, 1994). The link between universal education and economic development is clear: Increasing access to education is crucial to aid agencies' overall strategy to develop human resources and assist economic progress.

BENEFITS OF INVESTING IN UNIVERSAL BASIC EDUCATION

In developing countries, where resources are scarce, the inclusion of children with special educational needs in the educational system raises several issues: (a) the likely economic returns; (b) cost-effectiveness; (e) unit costs; and (d) impact on "regular" children (Lynch, 1994). Three central economic questions concerned with effectiveness and cost benefit must be addressed in relation to providing universal access to education:

  1. Can positive outcomes of inclusive education be obtained at an affordable unit cost?
  2. Can such improvements result in long-term economic benefit?
  3. Can inclusive education produce improvements in quality, particularly student achievement, for all?

Economic evaluations of early childhood and primary special education are in their infancy in both developed and developing nations. Yet, issues of cost-effectiveness are of intense interest to policy-makers both in developed countries which spend large sums on special education, and in developing countries that lack basic educational resources. Special education has been traditionally viewed as more expensive than ordinary education in developed nations. in the United States, for example, special education is 1.18 to 3.64 times more expensive than regular education, depending on the specific special educational needs that are met. Additionally, public expenditures in the U.S. for institutional and community services report costs of $127 per head per day for institutional care compared to $81 per head per day for community-based approaches (Braddock, 1991). The overall cost of special education in New Zealand is 1.65 times the cost for ordinary education (Brouillette, 1995). Thus, segregated education is unlikely to be a financially viable policy option for developing countries for all children with special educational needs -- moral and educational arguments notwithstanding.

The implication is that the regular educational system will have to accommodate the majority of children with special educational needs if they are to receive basic or primary schooling. Integrated education in developing nations does not have to be more expensive than regular education, however, and even segregated education need not be more expensive. For example, a 10-year study in Mauritius, where NGOs run nearly all special facilities, revealed that special education was 60 percent of the cost of "regular" education. Of course, there are special reasons to explain this discrepancy. NGOs lack large bureaucratic (ministerial) overheads; have a more advantageous teacher-pupil ratio; pay relatively lower salaries to special education teachers; lack expensive equipment; and are not reliant on high technology (Brouillette, 1992).

Furthermore, investing in early intervention to address the special learning needs of children can reduce long-term educational costs. Evidence from several cost analyses of special education in both developed and developing countries indicates that costs for special education decrease over time for children who receive services that address their individual learning needs. Moreover, such children become an economic asset rather than a liability to their families and countries. Brouillette (1992; 1995) offered some examples of the economic benefit of early investment in special education, which include:

Studies of the costs of special education in many nations have also shown that the earlier special education begins, the greater the return on the investment. Compelling evidence indicates that early compensatory preschool and primary education produces meaningful long-term improvements in educational and economic outcomes. For example, long term studies of early compensatory "Head Start" projects for children of poverty in urban areas in the United States (1960-1980s) have shown benefits that include reductions in the costs of public education in later years, increases in earnings, and reductions in welfare payments and the costs of crime (Woodhall, 1992). A U.S. study of early intervention for 19, autistic children found that most made substantial improvement in IQ and social and emotional adjustment, and 18 were placed into regular primary education classes (Barnett & Escobar, 1995).

Moreover, more appropriate educational responses in the early primary years influence parents who, in turn, may increase their children's competence, motivation, and effort. Such responses help to produce a success orientation in school and increase children's cognitive abilities in ways that may not be satisfactorily portrayed by IQ tests (Barnett, 1991). The cognitive effects of compensatory preschool and primary education have long-term consequences for achievement and school performance. These early advantages are cumulative and provide building blocks for the accumulation of knowledge and skills, enabling children to maintain or increase their advantage at each succeeding grade of education. In summary, compensatory education can lead to improvement in children's long-term educational, social, and economic well-being.

THE IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
IN PROMOTING SOCIAL EQUALITY

As new investment strategies shift toward investment in people, international education and human resource development policies have begun to address country demands for both educational quality (the general effort to define and improve standards of services offered) and equity (efforts to decrease social inequality by providing greater access to educational programs and services). In many developing countries, the deleterious effects of inadequate or inappropriate education are compounded by disparities in the quality of education as one moves from richer to poorer municipalities, from industrial to agricultural areas, and from coastal to interior areas. One study of educational expenditures in Brazil illustrates problems that may affect other developing countries as well. The Brazil study revealed that per-pupil expenditures in the rural, agricultural northeastern region were only a third of the level reached in the industrial southeast, and only 44 percent of the national average. Per pupil costs ranged from US$21.2 to US$222.2 among municipal schools (Barnett & Escobar, 1995). The way schools are organized, the way teachers teach and structure curriculum, and the manner in which children with particular disadvantages are supported and included in basic education can either decrease or perpetuate social inequality. Policies to intervene in the kinds of disparities experienced in Brazil and many other countries will impact upon a country's ability to provide equal educational opportunity for all children. Primary education serves both an ideological and economic role in developing societies by providing the strongest foundation for preparing children and youth for roles in the occupational hierarchies in communities.

The concept of social equality is relevant to that of sustainable economic development. The over-arching theme, full participation, is a first condition for achieving social equality and is rooted in democratic principles of equal protection of law, equal access, and opportunity for all individuals (Kochhar, 1995). In many developing countries, however, a large proportion of the population lives in conditions of severe poverty and poor health; many people have physical and mental disabilities. These conditions affect access to and potential for success in school and reduce the likelihood that these individuals will be prepared for economic participation in their communities. For example, unemployment rates in developing countries have been higher, at 6.1 percent and 7.3 percent on the average, than in developed nations, which have much lower rates, 3.6 percent and 2.9 percent respectively (Arat, 1991; Seligson & Passe Smith, 1993).

Several philosophical shifts in cultural attitudes toward integrating people who are "different" have accelerated the global movement toward including all children and youth in mainstream schools and society. Over the past few decades, service models in developed and developing nations have focused less on "fixing" problems within the individual and more on seeking ways to change or improve the individual's environment. Such new philosophies of service and new practices are more likely today to focus on changing the structure of services to help accommodate and maximize the strengths and abilities of individuals and to integrate them into mainstream environments (Kochhar, 1996).

The emphasis on inclusion and full participation in education is an extension of the widely accepted philosophy and set of principles that are grounded in democratic principles around the globe. For example, the landmark Jomtien, Thailand, Conference in 1991 served to propel countries in the Asia region toward placing primary education for all at the forefront of development for personal, national, social, and economic objectives (Lynch, 1994). The Conference also ignited a process of fundamental paradigm change concerning the way in which primary schooling was conceived (UNDP, UNESCO, UNICEF, World Bank, 1992). That process not only communicated new expectations of schools, but it also challenged them to embrace a much greater diversity of children. The Conference provided a vehicle to declare universal primary education a top human resource development priority throughout Asia. Primary education became an entitlement for all rather than a privilege for some.

DEFINING FULL PARTICIPATION IN EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Today, a primary challenge for developing countries and the aid agencies seeking to assist with educational development is how to ensure the right to educational opportunity for all children, youth, and adults. Individuals with chronic health problems, special learning needs, and disabilities continue to experience persistent patterns of exclusion and discrimination in education and employment in both developed and developing nations (Lynch, 1994). They generally do not receive adequate assistance from education and training institutions to enter or fully participate in educational programs and the social and health services that are coordinated with the schools.

In legal instruments used by the U.S., Canada, Great Britain, and other developed countries, the term "inclusion" refers to social and legal mandates to ensure access to educational programs and services without regard to race, gender, ethnic origin, age, level or education, or disability (Okyere, 1994; Naude, 1993; Mittler, 1992). Full participation is a broader term that, more recently, has been incorporated into education legislation in the U.S., particularly in vocational education and school-to-work training laws (National Assessment of Vocational Education Final Report, U.S. Department of Education, 1994). While inclusion implies access to programs and services, full participation means providing the range of necessary support services and guidance an individual needs to be sustained in the program until successful completion. It is a term that reflects concerns about program completion and the outcomes of participation (Kochhar, 1995).

The education systems in the U.S., Canada, and Great Britain have several core elements that form a central framework that builds on the principles of full participation and equal educational opportunity. The framework incorporates six principles:

  1. Participatory planning for local empowerment and self-sustaining educational development;
  2. Legal assurances of the inalienable right to primary education for all children, at the international, country, and local levels;
  3. Commitment to a holistic, child-centered, and developmental philosophy of education;
  4. Improvement of the quality of educational services;
  5. Design of educational systems and programs that are responsive to the diversity of individual learning needs and life circumstances;
  6. Commitment to an ecological approach to education development and a shared responsibility within communities for the healthy development of all children (Kochhar, 1996).

While most developing countries have not defined their frameworks as fully, they do draw on laws and international instruments that promote universal access to education. However, the legal instruments that mandate full participation are not always implemented in the spirit of the mandate at national and local levels in both developing and developed countries. Institutions and agencies responsible for irnplementing these mandates may resist new requirements to serve a more diverse population of children and may argue that they lack the resources to comply. For example, in South Africa, the status quo might be best described as special education for whites, while services and resources for black pupils are vastly inadequate and nonexistent in some areas (Donald, 1991; Hickson & Kriegler, 1991; Kriegler & Farman, 1994). No process exists to tabulate the number of children who drop out of school because of disabilities (Psychological Association of South Africa, 1989). African children are over-represented in the mental retardation category; virtually no tests of intelligence have been developed, adapted, or normed on African populations (Gwalla-Ogisi, 1990). In countries in which resources are scarce even for primary education, officials will often justify allocating educational resources to those who are most capable, productive, and already empowered.

FULL PARTICIPATION IN EDUCATION REDUCES INDIVIDUAL DEPENDENCY

The philosophy and practice of ensuring full participation for all children and youth in education are essential components for developing a "covenant of interdependence" at the individual, family and community levels. A close relationship exists between individual independence, the economic participation of residents, and general improvement in a country's social and economic development. Education and work preparation programs, which are essential, are not likely to be effective and sustainable if they cannot accommodate populations with diverse needs who may the be the most challenging to serve and the most likely to fall back into economic dependency. Such policy shifts are currently occurring in developed and developing nations. Educators and related professionals (psychologists, speech and hearing specialists, etc.) are beginning to recognize the relationship among (a) individual economic self-sufficiency and ability to participate in the work of a community, and (b) the role of children, youth and adults in personal decision making and self-determination.

In many developing countries such as South Africa, India, and the new Baltic states, concepts of liberty, democracy, and individual rights are being integrated into educational planning at local levels. For example, the political changes in Central and Eastern Europe during the last three years have stimulated a realignment of educational thinking and practice in many countries. In Slovakia, following the collapse of the regime in 1989, politicians and educational leaders began to reform a system which "no longer allowed support for different learners and teachers' potentialities, beliefs, interest or orientation" (Prucha & Walterova, 1992, p. 3). The Ministry of Education established a working group to reform education; promote a philosophy of tolerance, democracy, and freedom; facilitate democratization of the internal life of the school where individual rights were acknowledged; and recognize pupils' rights to use every possible opportunity for education and freedom in decision making (Parizek, et al., 1992).

Recently in China, the Propaganda and Education Department has undertaken four new tasks to promote self-reliance and reduce dependency of its citizens with disabilities and other special learner groups (Condon, 1993). These "tasks" or goals include promoting careers in special education and rehabilitation, organizing recreational activities for individuals with disabilities, publishing newsletters, and establishing a professional association of persons who work with such individuals. According to Condon (1993), the greatest task the Department faces is informing Chinese society that individuals with special learning needs have abilities and can make contributions; societal assistance will help them become less economically dependent and enable them to make greater contributions to society.

Today, in developed nations such as the U.S., Canada, Britain, and other European nations, emerging policies express a greater understanding of the link between education and the economy. The concept of full participation is an important part of the debate about connections among education, economic productivity, and self-sufficiency. This transformation of the current paradigm for educating student populations with diverse needs is having substantial impact upon the reorganization of general education in many countries.

INTERNATIONAL TRENDS IN IMPROVING ACCESS TO EDUCATION TO ALL

Developing nations are recognizing that children are their future; they must make investments to prepare their children for productive lives. Nations are also recognizing that important guidelines for such investments are legally binding documents that protect the rights of children. The emergence of international instruments on the educational rights of the child and shifts in philosophy within human services have profoundly affected the development of inclusion policies and practices in many countries. Though these documents have limitations, such as failing to provide specific operational guidelines by which particular policies may be implemented, they establish the vision, context, and parameters of responsibilities and expectations, to which no international organization can remain unresponsive (Lynch, 1994; Tangaraza, 1993; UNESCO, 1990). The legal instruments summarized below express the moral, philosophical, and humanitarian principles that, if infused into initiatives, could stimulate and broaden economic progress in developing countries:

  1. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the United Nations General Assembly adopted unanimously in 1948, is now recognized as one of the most important international baseline documents for regulating the rights and responsibilities of humankind. The declaration recognizes children as in need of special care and attention (Article 25) and declares in Article 26 that everyone has the right to education. Many countries have adopted the values and text of this declaration, which states that education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages, and that elementary education shall be compulsory (United Nations Center for Human Rights, 1990).
  2. The U.N. General Assembly adopted The Declaration of the Rights of the Child in November 1959, which advanced the mandate established by the Universal Declaration and gave official and explicit recognition to the human rights of children. Principle 7 states that: "The child is entitled to receive education, which shall be free and compulsory, at least in the elementary stages. He shall be given an education which will promote his general culture, and enable him, on the basis of equal opportunity, to develop his individual judgment, and his sense of moral and social responsibility, and to become a useful member of society" (United Nations, Principle 7, 1960) ... Further, "the child who is physically, mentally or socially handicapped shall be given the special treatment, education and care required by his particular condition" (Principle 5).
  3. The Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in November, 1989, was an even more legally binding document: it held countries which accept the Convention legally accountable for their actions towards children by expecting them to make a commitment to the future. More than 70 countries signed the Convention, thus "recognizing the right of the child to education ... on the basis of equal opportunity..." (United Nations Center for Human Rights, 1990). Those who signed also recognized the right of disabled children to "enjoy a full and decent life" and the state's obligation to provide for their special needs.
  4. Conference on Education for All. In March, 1990, in Jomtien, Thailand, UNICEF, UNESCO, the World Bank, and UNDO jointly organized a Conference on Education for All to develop a World Declaration on Education for All. Government representatives of 155 countries and more than 150 NGOs were present. Article 3 of the World Declaration on Education for All, approved at the conference, states that "Basic education should be provided to all children ... To this end, basic education services of quality should be expanded ... An active commitment must be made to removing educational disparities. Underserved groups -- the poor, street and working children, rural and remote populations -- should not suffer any discrimination in access to learning opportunities. The learning needs of the disabled demand special attention. Steps need to be taken to provide equal access to education to every category of disabled persons as an integral part of the system" (UNDP, UNESCO, UNICEF, World Bank, 1990). This Declaration, which addressed issues of quality in education services and the critical need to expand existing services, led to the agreement of a "Framework for Action to Meet Basic Learning Needs."
  5. Framework for Action to Meet Basic Learning Needs. The Conference also adopted this Framework, which described three broad levels of specific actions: (a) direct actions within individual countries; (b) cooperation among groups of countries; and (c) multi-level and bilateral cooperation (Lynch, 1994). The Framework entreats countries to set their own targets, including the expansion of early childhood education care and development activities, including family and community interventions, especially for poor, disadvantaged and disabled children (UNDP, UNESCO, UNICEF, World Bank, 1990).
  6. The World Program of Action Concerning Disabled Persons. The United Nations declared 1983-1992 to be the "Decade of Disabled Persons." To further advance the goals of prevention, rehabilitation, and equalization of opportunities for disabled persons, the General Assembly, in December 1982, adopted The World Program of Action Concerning Disabled Persons. It recognized the need to analyze and develop services for persons with disabilities within the context of different countries' economic, social, and cultural development. It affirmed, however, that the fundamental responsibility for preventing disability and its consequences rests with Governments (United Nations, 1983). The Decade of the Disabled resulted in several changes: a considerable increase in legislative activity addressing the education of persons with disabilities; an increase in education (rather than health) ministries and departments assuming responsibility for special education; and a gradual transfer of responsibility for students with special needs from special schools to the regular public school system (Lynch, 1994).
  7. The European Association for Special Education (EASE) is an organization of European countries which is linked with UNESCO. Although EASE is not focused solely on developing countries, it offers many sound strategies for international coordination and technical assistance to countries seeking to address special educational needs of children. These strategies include strengthening communication and cooperation among member organizations, promoting studies on the comparability of various educational systems, and determining the effectiveness of teacher training.
  8. Handicapped People in the European Community Living Independently (HELIOS). In 1982, EASE developed a Division for Action in Favor of Disabled People. Its HELIOS project aimed to promote coordination among national and European activities and develop a coherent policy for all categories of people with disabilities. Cooperation among local services and NGOs resulted in a network of rehabilitation centers, local capacity building activities, an information and documentation service, and a HANDYNET information service for people with disabilities.

In summary, over the past two decades, institutional and cultural attitudes towards persons with disabilities are changing, along with the belief in the responsibility for social institutions to accommodate them. The following sections describe the philosophical and practical elements of that shift.

PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLES FOR A SHARED RESPONSIBILITY

Philosophical and ethical positions provide the foundation for educational policies and practices and form the basis for fiscal and resource allocation decisions. The principles of normalization, shared responsibility, and universal access to education are at the philosophical center of initiatives that promote inclusion and community integration for children and adults with special needs. Over the past decades, human service and educational organizations have come to accept the assumption that citizens of world nations have an inalienable right to resources and environments that support their positive growth and development. The emergence of this philosophy has led to legal rights to education for minorities and persons with special educational needs in a number of countries, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, which have, in turn, influenced thinking and practice in other countries. Central to this new philosophy are three major principles: normalization, social integration, and universal educability.

The normalization principle is fundamental to increasing educational access for children with different educational needs. It developed from the belief that societies reject some members on the basis of their perceived deviance -- a rejection that often leads to the relegation of people with disabilities to low quality and sometimes harmful forms of service (Blatt, 1981; Wolfensberger, 1975). Bank-Mikkelson, head of the Danish Mental Retardation Services, first used the term in the late 1950s, and defined it as "letting the mentally retarded obtain an existence as close to the normal as possible" (Bank-Mikkelson, 1969). Wolfensberger defined normalization as "the use of culturally normative means to offer persons life conditions at least as good as those of average citizens, and as much as possible to enhance or support their behavior, appearances, experiences, status and reputation" (Wolfensberger, 1983, 1975). Norwegian Educator Nirge believed that normalization was relevant to the severely impaired and not just to the mildly impaired, and discussed the integration of persons with disabilities into the mainstream of society as a key corollary of the normalization principle (Nirge, 1976). Thus, the normalization principle was the foundation of a civil rights framework for disadvantaged and impaired persons and, during the past two decades, has assumed its current status as an internationally influential human service paradigm.

Human service and educational agencies which embrace the normalization principle are more effective because they recognize the impact of societal perceptions of deviance on people and, as a result, create services which reduce rather than magnify the deviant status of clients. Such services also maximize the individual freedoms of choices of those served.

In its North American form, the principle of normalization has far reaching implications that affect education and a range of other human services. Rather than banish or segregate a person who is "different" or "deviant' from the general population, the concept leads to an effort to reverse the deviance through restoration, rehabilitation, and reintegration. In Europe and North America, the principle and practice of normalization has been a major impetus in integrating children with disabilities within their communities and schools. The normalization philosophy has stimulated practices of moving children and adults out of institutions and into community-based care and education facilities. It has the following basic tenets:

A responsive system based on these tenets considers those persons with the most severe disabilities, and the least advantages, as the top priority within the service system. These concepts have also profoundly affected access to educational and human services by children with special educational needs. A summary of the changes in views over the past few decades about the educability of persons of all ages who have disabilities and special educational needs might include the following:

These new views about the plasticity of intelligence, new definitions for intelligence, and research evidence that integration practices do result in significant improvement in children's learning and functioning have begun to affect both policy and practice. These changes in attitude provide an important context for developing a coordinated, shared community approach to educating all children. The concept of "shared responsibility" simply means that the schools alone cannot shoulder the full responsibility to provide educational services to children, especially those with special educational needs. Several sectors of the community must be involved and share resources and expertise. Since the early 1980s, the education community in the United States, for example, has been influenced by an initiative known as the "Regular Education Initiative" (REI), which has been a central part of the policy framework of the United States office of Special Education (Will, 1983). This approach requires the regular education system to take full responsibility for all students and to view special education as providing resources for regular education (Skrtic, 1991). The approach assumes a joint sharing between regular and special education and reflects the expectation that other service sectors outside the educational system (the medical and public health systems, rehabilitation services, mental health services, and the social service system) will accept responsibility for the health, growth, and development of children.

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Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access: The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

INSTITUTE for EDUCATION POLICY STUDIES
Graduate School of Education and Human Development

Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access:
The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

DIRECTIONS IN POLICY AND PRACTICE FOR EDUCATING ALL CHILDREN

In the United States, a special education law known as the Individuals With Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) (Public Law 101-476, 1990 and P.L. 105-17, the 1997 Amendments) has had a profound effect on educational practices. While it is recognized that developments similar to those in the United States have emerged independently in other nations, the interpretation of IDEA's principles and local implementation practices in the U.S. may be instructive for the developing world. The genesis of IDEA was Public Law 94-142, the Education For All Handicapped Children Act (EAHCA), passed in 1975. This law required that all States provide special education and related services to all children and youth with disabilities in the "least restrictive environment," a term which implied that children who have difficulties in learning should, as much as possible, receive service within the regular system of education by specially trained teachers or other specialized personnel (Gerry & McWorter, 1990). It also specified that parental involvement is a central consideration in placement and that the child's progress is regularly reviewed and assessed. The EAHCA required states receiving assistance under the Law to provide a free, appropriate public education to all children with disabilities in the state. This law signaled a national commitment to assisting the states in enforcing the principle of equal educational opportunity for all children.

In 1990, EAHCA was reauthorized as Public Law 101-476, the Individuals With Disabilities Education Act (IDEA); that reauthorization defined special education as specially designed instruction and related services which, at no cost to parents or guardians, meet the unique needs of a child with a disability. The definition included classroom instruction, instruction in physical education, home instruction, and instruction in hospitals and institutions (P.L. 101-476, 1990; Senate Report on S.1824, Individuals With Disabilities Act, 1989). The term "related services" meant transportation, and such developmental, corrective, and other support services (speech pathology and counseling services, for example) as may be required to assist a handicapped child to benefit from special education. The law also includes the early identification and assessment of handicapping conditions (P.L. 101-476, 1990). In 1997, IDEA was amended as P.L. 105-17, which strengthened the mandate for inclusive education and a shared responsibility among schools and human service agencies for special education and supportive services.

Definition of Special Educational Services and
Entitlement to Education in Integrated Settings

The definition of special education has evolved over the past three decades, as both policymakers and practitioners have reinterpreted and reformulated it. As the definition evolves, however, it continues to:

In line with these general principles, UNESCO, committed to improving special education in developing countries since the mid-1960s, defines special education as a form of education for those who are not achieving, or are unlikely to achieve, through ordinary educational provision, the level of educational, social, and other attainments appropriate to their age, and which has the aim of furthering their progress towards these levels (UNESCO, 1983). This definition seems to recognize the relativity of the concept of special education, namely that:

Like the UNESCO definition, the U.S. definition has also evolved since the nation's special education law was first passed in 1975. The definition has become increasingly inclusive of more categories of children with disabilities. For example, two new categories of disability, traumatic brain injury and autism, were added in 1990 to the existing list. The law also added children aged 0-2 and 3-5 to the original law's age 6-18 requirement. Like the UNESCO definition, this definition expresses two of the basic principles of normalization: closer integration with the regular education system and more interconnection with other service systems in the community.

In 1976, some countries borrowed these principles for their own policy and practice. For example, Nigeria developed a National Policy on Education, which established a Universal Primary Education program and national education goals. Section 8 of Nigeria's goals called for equalizing educational opportunities for all children, providing adequate education for all handicapped children and adults, and giving exceptionally gifted children opportunities to develop at their own pace to foster the nation's technical and economic development (Federal Ministry of Education, 1977, p. 30). Section 8 also proposed the integration of special students into regular classrooms, free education for exceptional students at all levels, and the provision of suitable employment opportunities for workers with disabilities. It established local committees which are responsible for providing services to children with special educational needs (Federal Ministry of Education, 1977).

Under U.S. Law and the UNESCO definition, special education refers to educating children to the extent possible in regular education settings. The definitions differ, however, in the range of groups with special needs to which the definition applies. In the United States, the law currently applies only to children with specific disabilities listed in the statute. The UNESCO definition is not based on diagnostic categories, but applies to a broader group of children "who are not achieving" in the regular class.

A few countries, such as Norway, use the broader definition and have phased out special education systems entirely. Though Norway has been advanced in providing public education to all children, its recent shifts in educational policy are instructive for developing countries. In 1985, a White Paper on special education initiated a breakthrough for integration by highlighting the need for students with disabilities to experience "membership" within a regular setting (Solli, 1992). Today, the system of special education no longer exists. One law regulates both general and special education, based upon individual students' needs and delivered on a non-categorical basis. Education has come to be broadly defined and characterized by a certain flexibility and variety in terms of content and activity. Adapted education for all is an overriding concept. Most of the special education offered in kindergarten, basic school, and upper secondary school is delivered in ordinary educational settings (Solli, 1992).

Diagnostic Categories and Alternative Labels for Children with Special Needs

The term "special educational needs" includes those children with social and cultural disadvantages as well as those with specific disabilities; it includes children who are 'at risk' of developing more severe problems in the future. The term "children with disabilities," which is explained below, is used instead of terms such as "handicapped," "impaired," "retarded," or .slow learner." Educators in many nations are becoming dissatisfied with the term "handicapped" to refer to persons with physical, emotional, or intellectual disabilities.

In this context, the World Health Organization (1980) offers a classification system that respects the consequences of disease or disability. That system makes a clear distinction among the terms impairment, disability, and handicap. Table 2.1 clarifies the three terms and their relationship to one another. These terms help distinguish among: (1) the specific organic or bodily deficit; (2) the impact of that deficit on the child's ability to function in specific activities; and (3) the impact of these functional limitations on the ability to perform in broader social roles (e.g., as student, worker, family member) (Fedoruk, 1989; Ysseldyke, 1988; Wixson and Lipson, 1986). To be more precise, impairment occurs at the level of an organ of the body, including the brain.

An "impairment" may be a consequence of congenital problems, birth trauma, malnutrition, disease, or injury, and might include cognitive, physical, emotional, or psychomotor deficits. Of particular relevance to teachers in schools are impairments such as hearing or vision deficits, inadequacies in fine motor skills and manual dexterity, or attention deficits. Examples of specific impairments include brain damage, physical incapacitation or injury, or vision or hearing deficits. A child can have an impairment without that impairment resulting in a limitation of his ability (a disability) to function in daily activities (walking, dressing, eating, bathing, communicating). Such a functional limitation resulting from an impairment is referred to as a "disability." In other words, disability refers to an underdeveloped or lost ability to function in activities that are essential for daily living and essential for performing social roles.

Usually, a disability is a consequence of an impairment and implies some deprivation or disadvantage which prevents the person from developing alternative ways of functioning. For example, an inability to read or communicate clearly may result from chronic malnutrition or dehydration. The individual is disabled because he or she cannot perform the daily activities of reading or communicating with teachers. The child's performance in the societal role of "school student" will be impeded unless the school and teacher can respond in a more flexible way to his disablement.

A "handicap" is the result of social factors outside the person which interact with an impairment or a disability and make the individual less able to perform in an essential social role. It is a distinctly social concept and includes factors in the environment such as social discrimination, lack of physical accommodation, or inadequate educational and service responses. A focus only on impairments, because they are organic in origin, offers some degree of rationale for a medical model but is insufficient for the contextual model used in this report. The sociological or contextual model requires that equal attention be given to individual impairments and the service responses (interventions) of education and training. These responses can support the development of new abilities to compensate for lost ones (Mittler, 1992).

Table 2.1 illustrates the distinctions and often subtle differences among these terms. In each case, an example of an impairment is given, followed by the disability in relation to scholastic performance, and third, the social handicap which this represents within the cultural context.

TABLE 2.1
Comparison of the Terms Impairment, Disability and Handicap

IMPAIRMENT (specific cognitive, physical, or emotional deficits that are consequences of congenital conditions,
birth trauma, disease or injury)
DISABILITY (consequence of an impairment involving the loss of ability to perform daily activities or essential social roles) HANDICAP (social concept referring to environmental factors that interact with the impairment and often compound problems; includes social discrimination, lack of physical accommodations, and inadequate educational and service responses)
Partial or total loss of vision Inability to read in school Inability to progress in school due to lack of special education services for visually impaired and lack of physical accommodations
Partial or total loss of hearing Inability to learn spoken language or perform in school Inability to progress in school due to lack of special educational services for hearing impaired and discrimination by teachers and school peers.
Paralysis of the legs as a result of Polio infection Inability to attend school or participate in family work or community activities Inability to attend school due to lack of special transportation or lack of physical accessibility to the school building
Loss of cognitive abilities as a result of chronic malnutrition Inability to perform at grade level in writing and basic numeracy Inability to progress in school due to lack of compensatory services for children with cognitive losses
Childhood phobias as a result of natural disaster or war Inability to attend school or participate in social events Inability to progress in social development due to lack of counseling or support services to treat childhood phobia

It is important to note that impairments do not necessarily result in disabilities or handicaps if the necessary supportive and compensatory services are available and the educational and social prevent and counteract the consequences of impairments.

How can teachers, schools, and educational systems identify and address the needs of the maximum possible number of children in a more flexible, responsive, and cost-effective mainstream or regular school system? Recently, many developed countries recognized the inaccuracy and futility of rigid and facile categorizations which debilitate and exclude (Lynch, 1994). Attempts have been made to come to terms with the individuality of impairment, its variety and potential change across time, and the need for flexibility in educational and broader social responses to it. Instead of disablement, the emphasis has begun to shift to enablement (Ward & Wehmeyer, 1995; Smith & Luckasson, 1992; Salvia & Ysseldyke, 1988). Instead of disability, the emphasis is increasingly on ability. The older and mutually exclusive categories are beginning to be discarded in favor of a more flexible and pluralistic approach.

Some students of education in developing countries have advocated broadening the definition of "normalcy." Their assumption is that the larger the group of children who can fit the category of "normal," the more children will be viewed as being the responsibility of the regular education system (Lynch, 1994). These children then cannot be so readily relegated to the "other system" of special education or institutional services. So, for the purposes of access and integration, these educators advocate a new framework for differentiating between "normal" and "special needs." However, it is not helpful to mask the varying needs of children by diagnostic and categorical manipulations, since the diagnostic information may indicate what types of educational services are needed. Rather, a framework for integration is needed which would define a greater number of identified disabilities as being appropriate for intervention within the regular education system.

In the United Kingdom, following the 1978 Warnock Report and subsequent legislation, the discussion of the children whom special schools should serve changed (Warnock Report, 1978). Rather than emphasize the 2 percent of children with severe mental, physical, or behavioral handicaps for whom special schools were intended, the discussion focused on a single, broader concept of "children with special educational needs." In the U.S., approximately 20 percent of the school-age population would fit the "special educational needs" group at one time or another during their school careers (Newell, 1985; Warnock Report, 1978). These needs refer to difficulties, impairments, or low intellectual capacity, but also include children with social and emotional problems as well as extremely gifted children; all face specific kinds of difficulties in school.

In the United States, the system of special education remains based upon the fairly rigid categorization of children into specific impairments or disabilities. Under U.S. law, the term children with disabilities means children with mental retardation; hearing impairments, including deafness; speech or language impairments; visual impairments, including blindness; serious emotional disturbance; orthopedic or physical impairments; autism; head injuries (traumatic brain injuries); other health impairments; and specific learn- ing disabilities (P.L. 101-476).

One of the categories, "specific learning disabilities," is somewhat less rigid than others and includes children with a disorder in one or more of the basic psychological processes involved in understanding or using spoken or written; the disorder may manifest itself in an imperfect ability to listen, think, speak, read, write, spell, or do mathematical calculations. Such disorders may include perceptual handicaps, brain injury, minimal brain dysfunction, dyslexia, and developmental aphasia.

In the United States, a child who is not progressing in the regular education class must first be tested and receive a specific diagnosis that can fit into the existing categories of "disability." All children (including those in private schools and facilities) who have disabilities, regardless of their severity, must be identified, located, and evaluated for their need for specialized services. Many educators, advocates, and parents strongly believe that the broadening of the definition of "disability" to include non-disabled students with learning problems will increase the demand for the special education funds provided under the law. Other students with educational needs can be served through other regular education provisions. There are several concepts underlying these developments: individualized educational planning, professional development, and shared responsibility and coordination of service.

Individualized Educational Planning

Many countries have developed the concept of an individualized educational program or entitlement and have sought to incorporate, to the maximum possible, those with mild to moderate disabilities into the school system. The passage of such recent instruments as the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (1990) and the United Nation's Decade of Disabled Persons have strengthened these initiatives.

Inherent in these documents is the concept that each child should have a personal profile of abilities or competencies and an entitlement to aim to attain in all of these, with the knowledge that not all children will attain in all areas. Thus, "ability" is seen as comprising multiple components, and "disability" is not seen as a comprehensive label excluding all dimensions of learning. Once again, the concept of "educability" is enlarged and made more flexible.

In the United States, schools are required to develop individualized educational plans for all children eligible for special education in consultation with parents or guardians. The term "individualized educational program" means a written statement which is developed in a meeting with a qualified representative of the local educational agency, the teacher, the child's parents or guardian, and the child, whenever appropriate (P.L. 101-476). In other countries, both developed and developing, a variety of accommodations and adaptations of instruction and curriculum are required based on a child's individual needs (Lynch, 1994; Mittler, 1992).

A System of Professional Development

Trained teachers are a central component in meeting the special educational needs of students. In the United States, each state must develop a system for training teachers and other related professionals to implement the special educational services under this Law. The training must respond to identified state, regional, or national shortages of qualified teachers, specialists, and supervisors. Out of similar concern for teacher shortages and quality, UNESCO has developed a number of projects to encourage member organizations to develop strategies for responding to children's special needs in ordinary schools. The goal of the Teacher Education Resource Pack project, which was begun in 1986 with a survey of 14 countries, was to review teacher training in a variety of contexts, as well as to understand teacher attitudes toward integrated education for special needs. Several significant themes emerged from the findings and subsequent regional workshops:

Following this work, UNESCO commissioned the Cambridge Institute of Education in the United Kingdom to direct a project to prepare teacher education materials to help teachers develop their thinking and practice with respect to the ways in which they respond to pupils with special education needs.

Several developing countries have made substantial progress in developing teacher training capacity and responding to shortages in the supply of quality personnel. in Zambia, the College for Teachers of the Handicapped (established in 1971) offers students a one-year course for teaching blind, deaf, and physically impaired children. Through cooperation with European countries, the College organized study tours for lecturers to help upgrade their teaching faculty. in addition, the College offered training to students from neighboring countries, giving the program a regional approach to teacher shortages (Jonsson, 1992).

In Sri Lanka, severe shortages of trained teachers and an increased emphasis on integrated and decentralized special education within the ordinary school system led educators to conclude that teachers with a broader knowledge base in special education were needed. Recognizing that it is not realistic for every school to employ specialists for children with rarely seen disabilities, the country designed a program to offer teacher training in at least two specialty areas, and generic training encompassing all areas of disability. The "master teacher" program produces highly competent teachers who are gathered into teams to conduct local two-week courses for general primary teachers in their home provinces (Jonnson, 1992).

In Nigeria, under Section 8 of the National Policy in Education, all teacher training colleges are required to provide basic special education courses for prospective "normal" school teachers. In addition, Federal and State Ministries must arrange courses or inservice training for all teachers of children with disabilities (Saleh, 1992).

The strategies that teachers implement within the classroom are growing more diverse, as teachers place greater emphasis on providing individual classroom experiences for children who learn at different rates and have special deficits in some subject areas (Lynch, 1994; Boe & Gilford 1992; Lauritzen & Friedman, 1990). Teacher preparation is emphasizing integration of children with diverse needs into the regular classroom and broadening the repertoire of the teachers' tools for teaching.

Linking School and Community Services

The provision of educational services to children with special needs requires a range of interventions beyond educational ones. These strategies require the coordination and shared responsibility of several sectors in the community, which must interact and share resources to support children with special needs. Each of the sectors provides different kinds of services or interventions that are essential for helping the child prepare for or participate in educational programs. The following section examines separately the contributions introduced earlier: (a) prevention and early intervention; (b) health, nutrition, and social service agencies; (c) family; (d) schools and teachers; and (e) the educational system and teacher training institutions.

Prevention and Early Intervention

The investment in the development and future of children begins in their early years -- an investment that, from a rational and economic standpoint, yields gains and savings in later years. From a moral and ethical perspective, the state must set goals and plans to ensure that children have the necessary health, nutritional, and developmental supports to enable them to develop to their maximum potential. Much can be achieved by improving the basic health of communities through the following actions:

Where childhood disability cannot be prevented, it is important to focus on early identification and intervention and on family support, beginning as soon as a child is born or identified as having a disability (Meisels & Shonkoff, 1990). Early intervention strategies require strong partnerships among many sectors of the community to intervene when children are at risk for developmental problems in their early years. Most birth defects have degrees of severity, and sometimes medical personnel cannot positively diagnose the disorder. The extent of the damage becomes apparent only over time. Frequently, parents do not even realize a disability exists until children reach an age when certain milestones should happen and do not. When a child has a motor difficulty in the early years, for example, he or she is also likely to have cognitive and speech problems.

In the United States, early intervention began as a trend but has become a mandate. U.S. law has several provisions to ensure that infants and young preschool children with disabilities will receive early intervention services. The 1986 Amendments to the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (P.L. 99-457) added new requirements that states serve infants and toddlers from birth to age 2 and strengthened requirements for states to provide preschool special educational services for children aged 3-5. Children who are deaf-blind or severely impaired are assured that special education and related support services will be provided. Underlying the provisions in the Handicapped Infants and Toddlers Amendments of 1986 was the rationale that states needed to:

The policy requirements mandate that states develop statewide, comprehensive, coordinated, multi-disciplinary, and interagency programs of early intervention services, coordinate the payment for such services, and improve and expand the existing early intervention service system available in communities. These services (ranging from faintly counseling to physical or occupational therapy) are provided under public supervision and at no cost, except where Federal or State law provides for a system of payments by families. Each handicapped infant and toddler is required to receive a multi-disciplinary assessment of his/her needs and an individual family service plan developed by the multi-disciplinary team, which includes the parent or guardian. These plans must include a statement of the infant/toddler's assessed initial levels of development, the family's strengths and needs for enhancing the infant's development, a statement of the major outcomes expected to be achieved, and a statement of specific early intervention services needed and how they will be delivered. A case manager, designated from the profession most immediately relevant to the infant/toddler's needs, is responsible for implementing and coordinating the plan with other agencies providing services. These plans are evaluated at least annually. While most states are struggling to find the resources to implement the mandate for early intervention, most are dedicated to finding a way to provide a basic fabric of early intervention services, even in very poor communities. Many communities have begun to implement programs to begin to provide basic supports. The Portage Program, described in Box 4.1, is one of these.

Box 4.1:
The Portage Program:
Early Intervention Strategies for a Rural Community

Portage is a small community in rural Wisconsin, in which the Portage Program originated. The essence of the program is that the family is at the heart of the process of assessment and teaching of a child with a disability. It is a home-based intervention. A cadre of home "visitors" are provided short-term training to identify the needs of young children and work with families to assess what a preschool child can do, and to help parents with teaching goals for the child. The Portage program takes the service into the home of the family rather than requiring the family to travel to distant assessment centers and clinics. It is both a direct service and parent teaching intervention. With adoption for various cultures, the Portage program has been well accepted in many countries and evaluation data reflect positive outcomes for both children and families (Mittler, 1992).

Many communities have established some comprehensive early intervention goals and many have also developed fairly inexpensive programs to ensure the necessary health, nutritional, and developmental support for infants and toddlers.

Health, Nutrition and Social Service Agencies

The development of children who are in good health and have nutritionally sound diets is the shared responsibility of the family and other segments of the community, including nongovernmental agencies. These agencies or organizations can include public health clinics and services, nutritional services, food distribution centers, private non-profit and volunteer agencies that offer aid and support, child protective services, social service agencies, and disaster relief agency supports.

As mentioned earlier, in the United States, early intervention laws require states to ensure the adequate provision of health and nutritional services for all children, particularly those with and at risk of acquiring disabilities. In 1989, a relatively obscure paragraph in the Medicaid Law titled Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnostic and Treatment Services moved the United States to a new plane in state responsibility for health and preventative services for children. No longer can states limit services to children; they are now required to provide such necessary health care, diagnostic services, and treatment to correct or ameliorate defects and physical and mental illnesses and conditions discovered by the screening services, whether or not such services are covered under the State plan.

In developing countries, poor health and nutrition are among the chief causes of disability (Lynch, 1994; UNICEF, 1991). Many children suffering poor health and nutritional conditions live in impoverished and remote parts of the countries. These children, who are at the greatest risk of developmental problems and disability, are also the ones who can benefit most from early intervention and primary education.

The Family

In developing nations, the problem of inadequate parent involvement in their children's education is great. A great deal of research has underscored the crucial relationship between parent engagement in the education of their children and their success in primary and secondary school. These problems persist even in developed nations. A study conducted by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation found that many parents do not become involved in the educational planning process for their children. Some parents could not understand what they were told about their child's disorders (Balweg & Pagtolun-An, 1992). Recent amendments to the special education law in the U.S. provides special funds for local educational agencies to assist parents to:

Because of the persistent problems of lack of parent involvement in the United States, special education laws have been strengthened over the past two decades to require schools to actively reach out and encourage parents' participation in their children's education.

Educational System and Teacher Training Institutions

An important barrier to improving quality and equal access to education for all children is teacher preparation. In many developing countries, the supply of primary level teachers does not meet the demand. In the United States, The National Center for Education Statistics and the Clearinghouse on Professions projected a 35 percent decline in the number of special educators graduating from personnel preparation programs within the decade (Smith-Davis, 1990). These shortages lead to the development of practices that seriously undermine the legal mandate to provide appropriate public education to children with disabilities. These practices include using non-certified personnel to fill special education positions; increasing class size and case loads beyond the capacity of professionals to provide appropriate education; and constricting placement and programmatic decisions to meet available personnel resources rather than child needs (Clearinghouse on Professions, 1990).

The systematic training of teachers to address a diversity of learning needs is virtually absent throughout the developing world (Kreigler & Farnam, 1994; Okyere, 1994; Black-Branch, 1993; Clark, 1992; Jonsson, 1992; Gwalla-Ogisi, 1990). In the United States, teacher training institutions are accelerating integrated preparation of special and general educational personnel. Teachers also require both initial training and continuous field-based or inservice training to develop their competence for teaching children with special educational needs.

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Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access: The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

INSTITUTE for EDUCATION POLICY STUDIES
Graduate School of Education and Human Development

Enhancing Participation, Expanding Access:
The Double Axis of Sustainable Educational Development

THE EMERGING PARADIGM FOR INCLUSIVE EDUCATION

From an international perspective, the "new movement" or paradigm shift in primary schooling in developing regions has several elements that can be unified into a central framework that builds on the principle of equal educational opportunity for all children. The framework incorporates seven major principles:

Table 5.1 outlines these seven principles and gives examples of the needs of developing countries that are associated with each one. Each of these principles is then discussed in greater detail in the section that follows.

TABLE 5.1
Principles for a New Paradigm for UPE

  1. Legal assurances at the international, national and local levels of the right to primary education for all children.

  2. Commitment to a child-centered philosophy of education.
  3. Flexible application of curriculum and materials to make it more relevant to the lives of children.
  4. Strengthening the link between regular and special educational systems to increase responsiveness to diverse learners.
  5. Commitment to a shared responsibility within communities for the healthy development and education of all children, through the development of cooperation and coordination across service agencies.
  6. Recognition that the improvements in quality of schools and teaching depend on improved professional development.
  7. Commitment to a developmental and holistic approach to education.

The next section discusses in greater detail the seven principles in the order in which they appeared in the above table, and discusses the needs of developing countries that are associated with each one.

Principle 1: Legal Assurances at the International, National and Local Levels

Progress towards universal primary education (UPE) means that primary schools increasingly have to respond to a greater number of children who have never experienced primary education. They must begin to accommodate the different socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds of these children and their broader range of learning styles, behaviors, capabilities, and potential in all sensory domains. Changes in legislation, operations, financial management, and professional training will need to occur to ensure that primary education is provided to all children. Primary education must be delivered with an acceptance of a new norm for the student population, which can no longer be used as a means for exclusion from education. Table 5.2 summarizes the shift in philosophy from the more traditional and exclusive frame of thinking to a new framework of inclusion which accepts that all children have a right to primary education.

TABLE 5.2
Legal Assurances of Education for All

Traditional Pattern

Inclusive Pattern

Education for some Education for all
Exclusive teaching and learning Inclusive teaching and learning
All children are the same Differences are the norm
Learning in segregated settings Learning in integrated settings
Educational opportunities limited by
exclusion by the regular education system
Access to the same range of educational
opportunities as children without special needs

Many children in primary school will come from remote areas, from deprived environments, and from illiterate families. Many more will have suffered irreversible early childhood disabilities from malnourishment or illness, which will limit their ability to learn. Some still arrive at school malnourished, ill, handicapped, or otherwise unready for learning. Some will come as first generation primary schoolers and will be ill-prepared for formal learning. Many more than in the past will have special educational and broader human needs (Lynch, 1994).

If these children are to experience success in primary school, they must be ready for learning and schools must be ready to respond to their needs and overall life circumstances. if schools can respond to a wider diversity of learning needs, then precious resources allocated to the expansion of primary education will not be lost through high drop-out rates, repetition, and reduced learning.

Principle 2: Commitment to a Child-Centered Philosophy of Education

Under the new paradigm for primary education, educators believe that all children can learn in different ways and to different degrees. There is an expectation that they can learn and progress and that the teacher's responsibility is to assist the child in that process. A powerful and realistic message of confidence in the ability of children to grow is conveyed to them. Teaching is directed toward each child's success. Mistakes and difficulties are viewed as important elements of the learning process and not as failures. For learning to occur, the content, level, and pace of instruction are appropriate, relevant to the life of the child and to his/her individual needs. Children are active participants and teachers use multiple teaching modalities to activate the learning process. Table 5.3 summarizes the shift from the more traditional philosophy toward the child to a new framework that places the child and individual needs at the center of educational programs.

TABLE 5.3
Education is Child-Centered: Every Child is a Learner

Traditional Pattern Child-Centered Pattern
Teacher-centered approaches Child-centered approaches
Content-focused schooling Learning-focused schooling
Rate-based curriculum Problem solving-based instruction and life-centered
Passive learning Active learning
Culturally detached Culturally sensitive
Failure is the norm Success is the norm
Information and knowledge based Learning process based.
Formal written examinations Continuous and performance-based assessment

These approaches to teaching are unfamiliar to many cultures in developing nations. Thus, training of teachers in such values and strategies needs to be given high priority. Teachers and administrators need to internalize them through active interaction and participation.

Principle 3: Enhancement of Quality

If primary education is to be more effective in serving a greater diversity of children, then schools need a larger repertoire of teaching strategies and the capacity to conduct responsive curriculum development in order to design educational programs for all children. Table 5.4 summarizes the shift in philosophy from the more traditional orientation to educational practices to a new framework of flexibility and accommodation of diversity.

TABLE 5.4
Quality in Curriculum, Instructional Methods and Materials

Traditional Curricula: Responsive Curricula to Promote Inclusion:
Teachers transmit information Teachers are a resource
Teachers are remote/non-accountable Teachers are involved and accountable
Monist Pluralistic
Formal textbook-based curriculum Multimodal curriculum
One teaching method for all Differential, varied teaching methods
Homogeneous curriculum Flexible curriculum and enriching
supplementary content
Unisensory Multisensory
Fixed hours Flexible hours (within limits)
Class focused Flexible grouping responsive to children
Rigid grouping by age Responsive to grouping
Austere classroom environments Stimulating classroom environments
Formal cooperation only Formal and non-formal cooperation

Greater flexibility is needed to match curriculum content and the pace of inst